Teka Kom. Pol tol. Stos. zy r. OL PAN, 2012, 7, 5 19
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS
OF THOUGHT
Kinga Smole
The Department of International Relationships, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin
Plac Litewski 3, 20-080 Lublin, kinga_smolen@onet.eu
Abstract. Late-Westphalian international environment faces the renaissance of geopolitics. More
and more frequently the international system resembles the great chessboard defined by Zbig-
niew Brzezi ski, and the cooperation between the states is replaced with rivalry for the extension
of zones of influence and aiming at realization of particular, individual interests. The aim of this
article is to present the evolution of geopolitical schools of thought which is conditioned by the
changes occurring in the international system. Concepts will be divided into classical geopolitical
concepts, geopolitical concepts resulting from the time of the Cold War and geopolitical concepts
formed after the end of the bipolar rivalry.
Key words: geopolitics, geopolitical schools of thought, evolution, state, space
INTRODUCTION
Geopolitics studies the relations between international politics and the
geographical base (space), on which this politics is carried out 1. Classical geo-
political concepts, while explaining the location of the key states and areas also
analyzed the space in the context of geographical conditionings. Land or sea
location and the amount of territory were the factors which decided the power
nature of a state. Taking into consideration the fact that the state does not func-
tion in a vacuum but rather in a specific international system, later generations
of geopolitical concepts began to take into account those changes taking place in
the international environment. Evolution in the approach towards space took
place as a result. Nowadays, not only geographical conditions decide geo-strategic
significance, but also political, economic and cultural and civilization ones.
The subject of this article is the evolution of geopolitical schools of
thought. In order to achieve this aim, geopolitical concepts will be specified and
the author will identify the changes occurring in the international environment.
The concepts will be divided into three time periods, classical geopolitical con-
1
See: S.B. Cohen, Geography and Politics in World Divided, New York 1973.
Kinga Smole
6
cepts, geopolitical concepts formed in the time of the Cold War and geopolitical
concepts formed after the end of the bipolar rivalry.
CLASSICAL GEOPOLITICAL CONCEPTS
Leopold von Ranke is the founding father of the first work of geopolitical
character. In his work entitled Die grosse cht of 1833, he analyzed the
relation of the great powers in the past and potential future2. Swedish political
scientist Rudolph Kjellen was the first to use the term geopolitics in 1898.
Both he and German geographer Friedrich Ratzek were the proponents of or-
ganic state ; they compared the state to a living organism that, in order to develop,
must extend its space and constantly expand. They based their assumptions con-
cerning the space on so-called Darwin s philosophy of space3. In such a context,
the term space undergoes considerable widening and shall be considered not
only in political categories of the state borders but also a determinant of politi-
cal power of the state.
The forerunners of geopolitics as well as the creators of the classical geo-
political concepts accepted that space, more specifically, vast territory, as one of
the attributes of the state s power. The statement by Raymond Aron best con-
cludes the subject matter of their approach: In the competition among the
states, the possession of the space is the stake of the most primary character 4.
In such an approach, the state is suspended in the space with other political or-
ganisms. In order to survive and develop states are forced to constantly compete
for: the land, resources, seas, mountain passes, straits and population. That is
why the subject matter of the politics of every sovereign state is the competition
for strategically important areas.
In classical geopolitical concepts, space is analyzed with respect to: mor-
phological features of the area or territory and geopolitical structure.
Taking into consideration physiological factors (geo-determinism) the forerun-
ners of classical geopolitics attributed the biggest significance to the size of a territo-
ry, its geographical shape, access to the sea and important transportation routes,
the island location, and the length and character of borders. At various times one
of the above mentioned factors was considered as the dominating one.
At the same time, the geopolitical structure results from the fact that the
state does not function in the vacuum, but is an element of a broader geopoliti-
cal system. This system has a complex nature. Specific subjects function within
its realm. In classical geopolitical concepts, these are mainly states. States interact,
2
L. Moczulski, Geopolitics. Power in time and space, Warsaw 2000, p. 8.
3
See: M. Korinman, Q l Allem g epe s t le mo e. Gr e r et ec e ce egeopol q e,
Fayard, Paris 1990, pp. 38 44.
4
See: R. Aron, Peace and war among the states, Warsaw 1995.
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
7
that is they enter into alliances, compete for the influence zones, aim at realiza-
tion of particular interest, undergo the processes of integration and create a spe-
cific international order, etc.
Period of classical geopolitical concepts lasts from the beginning of the
20th century until the time of the World War II. This was a very stormy period,
particularly in the history of Europe. Old empires collapsed (British Empire and
Austria-Hungary) and were replaced with the new ones (Germany, The United
States). The alliances were formed (for example Germany-the Soviet Union).
States competed for world hegemony. As a result of this rivalry, two world wars
broke out. The second war changed the world geopolitical system for decades.
In such conditions, the three concepts best-known geopolitical concepts
appeared: land, sea and peninsula ones. They together lay the groundwork for
geopolitics.
Concepts of continental power
Concepts of continental power assume the dominance of the land over the
sea, that is, the dominant states will be those in the area of Eurasia.
Halford John Mackinder assumed that the contiguous and vast territory
is a factor, which decides the power nature of the state. Mackinder believed the
world is divided into two parts: the World Island which comprises the joint con-
tinent of Europe, Asia and Africa, surrounded by the World Ocean and islands-
satellites consisting of both Americas, Australia, Japan, the Sunday Islands and
Great Britain5.
Mackinder drew particular attention to the north-eastern part of World Is-
land, the so-called pivot area also referred to as axis area or geopolitical bolt6,
around which the history of great civilization takes place. With time, Mackinder
decided to change the name of World Island to Heartland, defined as the central
zone, the core country. The heartland covered the central and northern part of
World Island, that is Russia, Kazakhstan, the Caucasus, part of Mongolia and
north-western China7.
According to Mackinder, this area is surrounded by two zones: the conti-
nental zone of the inner crescent and the island outer crescent. The former con-
sists of Europe, the Mediterranean, Middle East, India and China8. The latter
consists of Great Britain, both Americas, Africa south of the Sahara Desert,
Australia, Indonesia and Japan9.
5
See: ibidem, p. 13.
6
Translation proposed by Zbigniew Sala, see: Z. Brzezi ski, Great Chessboard, Main Aims of
American Politics, Warsaw 1998, p. 48.
7
P. Bartosiewicz, Political Geography and Geopolitics, Chełm 2008, p. 37.
8
L. Moczulski, op. cit., p. 14.
9
Ibidem.
Kinga Smole
8
Mackinder argues that it is from the Heartland that all great territorial ex-
pansions come. These next head for the zones out of which, due to advantageous
conditions, develop the greatest civilzations, that is, to Europe, Middle East,
India and China10. He claimed that so far none of these zones had been captured
because of the low potential of Heartland, that is, the region is too poor or has
too severe climate. Mackinder updated his concept at the end of World War II.
He emphasized that while in previous periods the railway increased its ability of
movement inside the continental power, now advances in aviation could also
make such movement possible as well as being able to hit the bridgeheads
formed at the peripheries, without the fear of destruction of aviation bases by
the sea powers 11. Addressing, in a way, the slowly forming new world order,
Mackinder re-drew the area of the Heartland to the East. Its western border went
along the line: Leningrad-Moscow-Stalingrad12. Mackinder admitted the geopo-
litical significance of the so-called Middle Ocean, that is, Northern Atlantic
which was the contact point among the United States, Great Britain and Europe13.
Another representative of the continental power concept, Karl Haushofer
divided the world model into four pan-regions, which were to go meridian ally,
from the north to the south. In Haushofer s opinion, thee regions should be
characterized by political, economic and cultural unity14. Pan-Europe included
the Mediterranean, Africa, Middle East as far as the Persian Gulf. Pan-America
consisted of both Americas. The remaining two regions were Pan-Russia,
stretching to the south and including the territory of India, and Pan-Pacific con-
sisting of China, Indonesia and Australia. It was to be led by Japan. Haushofer
also selected the Mediterranean states which, within the confines of autonomy,
were to function in Pan-Europe15.
Haushofer s works referred to Friedrich Ratzel s views and his concept of
Lebensraum (life space) as an indispensable factor for state development. This
concept became the main political doctrine of the Nazis in the 1930s and 1940s.
The German geographer also agreed with Mackinder s ideas on the funda-
mental importance of Central-Eastern Europe. However, he did not favor the
independence of the countries situated in this area; rather, he was for the alli-
ance between Germany and Russia, according to which Germany would gain
control over the Central Europe16.
10
Ibidem.
11
C. Jean, Geopolitics, Wrocław 2003, p. 70.
12
Ibidem.
13
Ibidem
14
Ibidem, p. 73.
15
Ibidem.
16
Mitteleuropa, the term of geographical importance (Central Europe) as well as political one
the doctrine in the foreign policy of Germany, encouraging the formation of the federation of the
states of the Central, Eastern and Southern Europe under the leadership of Germany. The concept
appeared in the beginning of 19th century. However, the true forerunner of the doctrine was
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
9
Concepts of sea power
Concepts of sea power are in opposition to the concepts arguing the domi-
nance of the land states over the sea ones.
According to Alfred Thayer Mahan, the following factors are the indica-
tors of the power of a state: the length of coastline, number and character of
harbors, shape of coast, industrial facilities and control over significant water-
ways and strategic points17. He also attributed an important role to issues such
as the size of the population, national character and the will and decisiveness of
the government18. Mahan argued that: The sea is above all, the means of
transport which causes that the sea power is more important than the land one,
and maritime trade constitutes the main source of the nation s wealth 19.
According to Mahan, the region of the world where the most significant
decisions concerning international order are taken was the north semi-sphere,
the borders of which are determined by Suez Canal and Panama Canal20. The
strip of Asia, between the 30th and 40th parallel was, on the other hand, charac-
terized as the area generating the biggest conflicts. At the same time this area
was to separate the Russian zone of influence from the Britishone21.
The concept of the sea power created by the British researcher of the sea
war J. Corbett, significantly differs from Mahan s school of thought. Corbett
argued that conflict cannot be settled exclusively by the use of sea forces. Mar-
tial strategy is a part of general strategy and it combines the role sea forces are
to play with the crucial need or land forces22. Sea power, according to Corbett,
guarantees the victory through forcing the continental opponent to disperse his
forces in order to defend his coast. In such an instance, the state sea power
may move its military forces onto the land and weaken the opponent s ability to
provide supplies for the army and residents23.
C. Frantz, who in the course of pseudo-scientific arguments, argued for the necessity of formation
of federation of the states in this part of Europe under the leadership of Prussia and Austria-
Hungary. Before the World War I and during its course Frantz s doctrine, with some modifications
introduced by F. Neumann in Mitteleuropa (1915) became the part of the imperial politics of the
German Empire aiming at the integration of the Central Europe under the domination of Germany.
Its main aim was to eliminate from those areas the peripheral influences of such powers as France,
Russia, and Great Britain, http://www.stosunki-miedzynarodowe.pl/pojecia/mitteleuropa.html,
02.01.2011.
17
P. Bartosiewicz, op. cit., p. 36.
18
L. Moczulski, op. cit., p. 22.
19
Cit. after ibidem.
20
C. Jean, op. cit., p. 76.
21
Ibidem.
22
Ibidem.
23
Ibidem.
Kinga Smole
10
Concept of peninsula power
According to Nicholas Spykeman, island location is of key importance for
the power and development of the state. In his book The Geography of the
Peace, carried out the division of the world at the dawn of World War II. He
based his assumption on the statement that it was not the Heartland, as suggest-
ed by Mackinder, but its Rimland, that generated the greatest number of con-
flicts. And it was there where the competition for the zones of influence among
the states takes place24.
Rimland was to consist of the peninsula and island strip, which surrounds
the continent of Eurasia. It was to act as a buffer between the sea and continental
powers. The main assumptions of this concept are well reflected in the following
sentence: the one who controls the frontier areas is the one who rules in Eurasia;
the one who rules Eurasia, controls the world s fate 25.
Spykeman came up with ten indicators of the power nature of a state. He
included military force, state s surface, size of population, monetary resources,
amount of natural resources, level of economic and technological development,
level of social integration, character of the nation, level of social stabilization
and ethnic homogeneity26.
GEOPOLITICAL CONCEPTS IN THE PERIOD OF THE COLD WAR
After the bi-polar world order was established, the confrontation between
the western bloc and the Soviet Union started to have a global character. The
main aim for both powers was to sustain the status quo established after the end
of World War II, when the simultaneous acceptance of the influence zones was
still operating.
The conflict between the two blocs accelerated, taking the form of the arms
race, and suddenly it was obvious that even the slightest ignition could result in
the total annihilation of the human race. As André Beaufre observed, the act of
scaring away started to play a significant role, making confrontational actions
by the opponent impossible owing to the very fact of possession of nuclear
weapons and the threat of their use. In such conditions, the politics of the United
States and the Soviet Union was dominated by the strategy.
While the Cold War international order centered around the military factor.
M. Menkiszak points out to the fact there were also other significant factors
24
Ibidem, p. 81.
25
See: J. Barbag, General Political Geography, Warsaw 1987, p. 14.
26
Cit. after P. Bartosiewicz, op. cit., p. 41.
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
11
including political, ideological and, after the 1970s, economic ones. The cultural
and civilization factor became important in the next decade27.
There also existed something which was called the negative comprehen-
sion of safety, that is the safety against something 28.
International organizations and corporations started to exert influence on
the world s order, but the state-centric approach still prevailed.
In such conditions, geo-strategy29 replaced geopolitics which was rejected
by majority of scientists after World War II. Among other reasons, its connec-
tion with Nazism and geo-determinism was criticized. According to scientists
from the Soviet Union, it was the discipline, which justified the aggressive poli-
tics of imperialistic states. Another accusation against classic geopolitical con-
cepts was that they constituted the example of the knowledge situated both
socially and geographically in such a way as to create the images of the world
that could encourage a specific foreign policy 30.
Taking into consideration the conditions of the Cold War period, the following
geopolitical concepts emerged.
Concept of air power
In G. Renner s, the founding father of so-called air power, opinion, analy-
sis of state power in the context of its access to the sea created, two centers or
hearts , that is the Soviet Union and the USA. They had the possibility of con-
frontation through the Arctic Ocean, which thus became some sort of bolt of
the world s strategic balance31.
This concept was developed and propagated by Alexander de Seversky.
He offered his own division of the world, diving it into two so-called industrial
hearts , that is USA and the Soviet Union. The United States was to govern the
western hemisphere whereas the Soviet Union was to rule Eurasia. His concept
based upon the close of location of the economic centers of the two powers32.
What was vital, both states possessed the analogical level of power concentrated
on the northern areas of America and Eurasia.
27
M. Menkiszak, Does Poland need the state strategy? in: M. Pietra (ed.), International Po-
litical Relationships, Lublin 2006, p. 323 348.
28
See more: M. Pietra , International safety, in: M. Pietra (ed.), op. cit., p. 323 348.
29
C. Flint, Introduction to Geopolitics, Warsaw 2008, p. 40.
30
According to A. Beaufre, the strategy is: firstly, the duel of the will, exercising force to
solve the conflict, secondly, the art. Of using force to achieve political goals, thirdly, the method
of reasoning which, on the basis of the analysis of internal situation (resources, instruments, etc.)
and external one (circumstances) allows to choose the most efficient way of conduct , A. Beaufre,
Introduction to strategy. Scaring away and strategy, Warsaw 1968, p. 25 32.
31
C. Jean, op. cit., p. 84.
32
Z. Rykiel, The Basis of Political Geography, Warsaw 2006, p. 32.
Kinga Smole
12
Concepts of geopolitical division of S. B. Cohen s world s model
S. B. Cohen introduced to the literature the terms region (geostrategic
area) and geopolitical . Cohen divided the world s space into areas and regions
which create the rational system33. Geostrategic region, in his opinion, is the
expression of connections among all parts of the world in the categories of location,
movement, directions of trade flow, cultural traits, ideology, etc. It is a homogenous
area, in such a sense, that its goal is to embrace the territories where power is to
be exercised and at the same time it is the area which is diversified as it comes
to its composition. This area must be large enough to possess the power of global
interaction. Its unity has to be assured by the control of strategic ways on the sea
and land34.
Cohen also carried out the internal division of the geostrategic region, di-
viding it into geopolitical regions. Geopolitical regions are relatively homoge-
nous in terms of culture, economy and politics. Moreover, they may also be
characterized by close location and complementarity. This encourages their
integration. In addition, geopolitical regions are the basis of emergence of cen-
ters of power within geostrategic region35.
Cohen distinguished the two geostrategic areas named: Eurasian Continen-
tal World and the Trade Dependent Maritime World. The first one covers the
Soviet Union, the countries situated in Central and Eastern Europe and conti-
nental China. It is divided into the two geopolitical regions: the bloc of the So-
viet Union and the bloc of China36. The second geostrategic region consists of
the five geopolitical regions: Anglo-America and the Caribbean plus Colombia,
Venezuela and Guyana; South America; Maritime Europe and the Maghreb
minus the eastern part of the Mediterranean, Africa south of the Sahara; and off
shore Asia and Oceania with Japan, the Philippines and Australia37.
Cohen also selected the three independent geopolitical regions: South Asia
(Indian sub- continent), South-East Asia and Middle East. He termed the latter
regions as shatter belts, because political tensions are their characteristic feature38.
After the Cold War, Cohen updated the division of the world s model. He
introduced to the literature a new term, Gateway Regions, that is the gateways
comprising the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Caribbean39.
Those areas, in Cohen s opinion, act as communicators and thus they may stabi-
lize international competition40.
33
See: S.B. Cohen, Geography and Politics, op cit., p. 56 62.
34
Ibidem.
35
Ibidem.
36
L. Moczulski, op. cit., p. 41.
37
Ibidem.
38
Ibidem.
39
Ibidem, p. 43.
40
Ibidem.
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
13
Cohen s model of the world created the grounds for deliberations, among
others, concerning the integration of regional geopolitical poles.
Concepts of (geo-)political division of the world s model
Along with the increased role of economics in modern international rela-
tionships, the space and the location of a state began to be analyzed in terms of
economic regions. In this context, the best-known division of the world was
introduced by Immanuel Wallerstein. In his work, entitled The Modern World
System, he carried out the historic analysis of the world capitalism system from
the 16th century until the present, from the point of view of mechanisms, which
function in the capitalist system.
Wallerstein divided the world into three fragments: the core, peripheries
and semi-peripheries41. The core consists of the rich states which exploit the
poor ones that constitute the peripheries. Semi-peripheries, on the other hand,
are the states which are situated in the center of the international hierarchy.
They may be exploited, but in favourable conditions, they may also exploit
weaker state organisms. According to Wallerstein, the states forming the semi-
peripheries may get promoted to the core or fall down to the peripheries42. In
order to achieve this, they may apply three development strategies: the strategy
of the use of opportunity, strategy through the invitation and strategy of own
forces43. He argued that those countries play the role of the system stabilizer.
Their absence could result in the fast polarization of the system and eventually,
in its disintegration.
Wallerstein emphasized that trade based on the rules of free market bene-
fits exclusively the core states. At the same time for the countries of the peripheries,
this means the increase in unemployment and the collapse of local businesses44,
because in the conditions of the free market, they are forced to exploit the products
of lower development in the production processes and import more advanced
products from better developed countries45.
Wallerstein advised the states on the peripheries to implement protectionist
measures. He thought that they should open their markets, when they reach a higher
level of development. In his opinion the core states force the states on the
peripheries to follow the rules of the free market with the help of such organiza-
tions as the World Trade Organization and International Monetary Fund. Thanks
41
See: P. piewak, A. Jelonek, Immanuel Wallerstein and his paradigm, in: I. Wallerstein,
The End of the World We Know, transl. by M. Bilewicz, A. Jelonek, K. Tyszka, Warsaw 2004, p. 7 25.
42
Ibidem.
43
See: A. Aleksy, Theory of Immanuel Wallerstein s world model and its importance for the
theory of international relationships, in: R. Ku niar (ed.), International Order at the Dawn of the
21st Century, Warsaw 2005, p. 594 595.
44
Ibidem, p. 595.
45
Ibidem.
Kinga Smole
14
to them, core states gain access to their markets without bearing costs of cus-
toms barriers, etc.46
By the end of 1960s, when the division of the world into capitalistic and
socialistic states was already common, there appeared the term of the Third
World. The term was used to describe the states situated in Africa, which at that
time did not engage into political and ideological conflicts between the West
and the East.
Alfred Sauvy was the first scientist to use the term the Third World , in
1952. He wanted to emphasize in this way that this area was ignored and ex-
ploited by the rest of the world. In this way he referred to the concept of the core
and peripheries47. At the same time, the term of weakly developed countries
appeared. Its meaning was basically the same as that of the Third World, except
that it was limited solely to the level of development and excluded issues connected
with the causes, assessment and implications of underdevelopment. Very soon
this term was used to refer to the countries situated in Asia, Latin America and
Oceania48. Due to political incorrectness, this received a lot of criticism. That is
why it was replaced by the term developing countries. Very shortly, in the be-
ginning of 1970s this term was replaced by the term the states of the Third
World. As Z. Rykiel explains, the application of this term in the context of the
states situated in Latin America, Asia and Oceania was in fact correctly used
only in the context of economic and ideological categories49.
The term the Third World was replaced in the next decade by the division
of the world into poor South and rich North, which, significantly, included the
states of Central and Eastern Europe50.
The above divisions based on only one category, that is, development.
They ignored other vital categories such as ideology and politics.
GEOPOLITICAL CONCEPTS OF THE POST COLD WAR PERIOD
Geopolitics became important again at the end of the Cold War, because
when in the dynamically changing polyarchic international environment there
began a fight for power over space and the influence zones. In this environment,
referred to as the late-Westphalian international order, the following processes
and phenomena take place. Firstly, the United States-Soviet Union dichotomy
that had outlined the system of power balance ceased to exist. Secondly, new
non-governmental actors came into possession of weapons of massive destruc-
46
Ibidem, p. 596.
47
Z. Rykiel, op. cit., p. 226 227.
48
Ibidem, p. 227.
49
Ibidem.
50
Ibidem.
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
15
tion. Their behavior often escaped rational evaluation and calculations. Thirdly,
proliferation of low-intensity conflicts of complex and diverse causes occurred.
Fourthly, new asymmetrical dangers appeared, creating new challenges for the
safety of states. Fifthly, facing new threats and globalization processes, the state
lost control over incidents taking place on its territory51. The protective function
of the borders weakened and the borders themselves became more penetrable
and guaranteed free flow of goods, services, ideas, values and technologies52.
What s more, individual policies of the state became the parts of various inter-
national regimes.
In such conditions the following factors became particularly important in
the new geopolitical global structure: economic, cultural and civilization, eco-
logical and political ones. Less important, especially when compared to the pe-
riod of the Cold War, was the military factor.
New, qualitative features of the international environment also changed the
approach towards the space.
K. Szczerski draws attention to the fact that the world of new technologies
creates the surface in non-existing space which does not require any real limita-
tion of place. Thus the special relations shall be understood in the categories of
communicational and mental closeness and distance 53.
A. Wolff-Pow ska interprets space in a similar way. She emphasizes that
globalization processes and increasing interdependence have led to considerable
disappearance of the traditional function of the border which was, as she writes:
one of the main pillars of geopolitical categorization . Thus the countries com-
peting for specific, strategically important areas, should assume relativization of
the space and location54. Because of growing integrative tendencies, numerous
vivid social, economic and political problems are solved above states borders.
Thus the states lost control over many phenomena occurring on their territory.
This fact affects the gradual change in awareness and political thinking concern-
ing space. Vast area which was considered by the classic geopolitics to be the
guarantee of the state s power, has lost its significance55. According to Wolff-
Pow ska, the changes that took place on the territory of Europe and Asia after
the end of the Cold War showed that space is the product of politics undergoing
51
See: M. Pietra , Hybryd character of late-Westphalian international order, in: M. Pietra ,
K. Marz da (eds), Late-Westphalian International Order, Lublin 2008, p. 57 74; M. Madej,
Terrorism and other asymmetric dangers in the light of modern understanding of national and
international safety- the attempt of theoretical conceptualization, in: R. Ku niar (ed), Internation-
al Order, op. cit., p. 486 517.
52
See: M. Pietra , Faces of Globalization Processes, Lublin 2002.
53
K. Szczerski, Neopolitical analysis, in: K. Szczerski (ed.), Geopolitical Subjectiveness. The
Studies of the Polish Foreign Policy, Warsaw 2009, p. 14.
54
A. Wolff-Pow ska, E. Schulz (eds), The Space and Politics. From the History of German
Political Thought, Pozna 2000, p. 10 11.
55
Ibidem.
Kinga Smole
16
constant change. Everything which is connected with space is due to of history
and human activity. Thus it cannot be perceived as a variable determining poli-
tics in general56. That is why the states start to perceive space as a tool serving
the realization of individual interests. According to the author such interests
include, for example, winning new areas rich in energy resources and overcom-
ing the divisions into the zones of wealth and poverty57.
Taking all above mentioned conditions into account, it shall be assumed
that geopolitics now conceptualizes space in material and non-material dimen-
sions in order to analyze the international situation and select possibilities, goals
and politics58.
What is important, the state is not the main or the only subject of studies as
it comes to geopolitics. It also concentrates on non-state participants of interna-
tional relationships59.
Part of the parameters of the world international order found its reflection
in the modern geopolitical concepts.
Concept of geopolitical division of the world model according
to Zbigniew Brzezi ski
Brzezi ski treated the earth s space as the field of game, that is the chess-
board on which the fight for world hegemony and the expansion of influence
zones takes place in the most strategically important regions of the world.
Brzezi ski came to the conclusion that the main actors on the world s chess-
board are the United States as the hegemon; Russia, China, France, Germany
and India as the global active players; Great Britain, Japan and significant but
inactive players and Ukraine, Turkey, South Korea, Iran and Afghanistan as so
called geopolitical bolts the states important geopolitically with respect to
their geographical location60.
Independent of the above division, is Brzezinski s theory of so-called crisis
arch the vast region stretching from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean. Brzezi ski
warns that this is the region, where conflicts may have a completely new face
which starts to immerse between Middle and Central East and Pakistan and Afghani-
stan. In his opinion, lack of stability in this geographical arch may directly or indi-
rectly affect the interests of the states in the area of Eurasia.
The areas important from the perspective of the interaction among the
states were described by Brzezi ski as geopolitical bolts. Geopolitical bolts,
according to one American politician, are the states, whose importance results
56
Ibidem, p. 11.
57
Ibidem.
58
C. Jean, op. cit., p. 58.
59
See: C. Flint, op. cit.
60
See: Z. Brzezi ski, op. cit.
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
17
from their key geographical location and their potential lack of stability61. According
to Brzezi ski, geopolitical bolts obtain particular roles, because they may enable
or block geostrategic players in their the access to important territories, among
other things62. In addition, in certain situations, they may become the protective
shield for a state or even the whole region or imply for them serious political
and cultural consequences63.
Concept of geopolitical division of the world s model according to Leszek
Moczulski
Similarly to Brzezi ski, L. Moczulski assumed geopolitical bolts to be an
important element of the modern geopolitical structure. In his terminology, they
function as the regions, axis states or pivot area64. In his view, the most im-
portant historic and political processes develop around it. Moczulski gave the
example of the Mediterranean as the axis zone. Italy is the axis state for this
area. He also drew attention to the fact that smaller areas may also become geo-
political bolts, such as, for example, the areas at the mouth of the Vistula, Rhine
or Mosel rivers65. Axis functions may also periodically be played by the states,
such as for example, in the 19th century, Prussia66. Moczulski also defined terms
such as the core areas, geopolitical bolts and buffer zones. The core areas are
the centers around which the processes of special integration focused. For West-
ern Europe such an area was the strap along the Rhine and Mosel, prolonged to
North Italy and the coasts of the North Sea67. Geopolitical bolts connect spaces or
divide various regions68. Yet another role is played by buffer zones. As argued by
Moczulski, these are situated between the zones of great geopolitical activity
and thus prevent expansions from various directions. That is why, even if they
have considerable potential, they are not able to expand further. Ukraine was
assumed to be the buffer zone protecting Europe against Asia69.
(Geo-)cultural and civilization concepts of division of the world s model
In deliberations about cultural and civilization factors it should be empha-
sized that the basic unit for geopolitics is the so-called great civilization de-
scribed as the civilization circle, that is, the upper rung of hierarchical cultural
61
Ibidem, p. 39.
62
Ibidem.
63
Ibidem.
64
L. Moczulski, op. cit., p. 429.
65
Ibidem.
66
Ibidem.
67
Ibidem, p. 430.
68
Ibidem.
69
Ibidem.
Kinga Smole
18
system70. In the literature on the subject there is no agreement concerning the
division of civilizations, that is why there are numerous classifications.
L. Moczulski distinguished four great civilizations on the Euroasian conti-
nent: European, Islamic, Indian and Far East (Chinese) one71. Within them or on
their margins, proper civilizations developed. The example of such a civilization
is the Japanese one being a derivative of Chinese civilization. Moczulski carried
out the more detailed specification of this division. Great European civilization
was divided into two proper civilizations: eastern and western ones72. Further,
within the Western civilization there are Latin and German ones. At the same
time the Eastern civilization comprises the Byzantium one73. This researcher of
geopolitics emphasizes that non-complete civilizations formed in isolated areas.
They are the defective sort of proper civilizations and mainly developed in Afri-
ca and continental Asia74.
A.J. Toynbee distinguished 23 civilizations. The majority of these are al-
ready a thing of the past and only five of them remain: western (Christian), east-
ern (Byzantium-Orthodox), Islamic, Hindu and Chinese one75.
According to F. Koneczny, on the other hand, there are seven civilizations:
Latin, Byzantium, Arabic, Jewish, Turanian and Brahmin ones. He emphasizes
that the interaction and penetration between civilizations most frequently take
place in the touching zones76.
One of the most widely-known cultural and civilization concepts was in-
troduced by American historian and political scientist S.P. Huntington. He
distinguished seven great civilizations: Western, Latin-American, Orthodox,
Islamic, Hindu, Buddhist and Chinese. He did not exclude that in the future an
eighth one, African, would emerge. In Huntington s opinion, the conflicts be-
tween those civilizations will, in the future, evoke the differences in their cul-
ture, tradition and religion77. In his most recognized work entitled The Clash of
Civilizations he wrote: there emerges the world s order based on civilizations:
the countries with similar features cooperate, the attempts of transforming socie-
ties from one civilization to another fail, countries group around the states being
the centers of their civilizations 78. The concept, which was widely criticized in
1990s, came into a new meaning after the attack on the World Trade Center as
of September 11th, 2001.
70
S.P. Huntington, Cl sh of C v l z t o New Sh pe of the Worl s Or er, Warsaw 1997, p. 46.
71
L. Moczulski, op. cit., p. 271.
72
Ibidem, p. 272.
73
Ibidem.
74
Ibidem.
75
See: A.J. Toynbee, Studies of History, Warsaw 2000.
76
See: F. Koneczny, On the Greatness of Civilizations, Cracow 1996.
77
Ibidem, p. 21.
78
Ibidem, p. 14.
EVOLUTION OF GEOPOLITICAL SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
19
CONCLUSION
The state does not function in a vacuum but in a strictly defined, dynami-
cally changing international environment. Evolution in the approach towards
geographical space took place as a result of changes in the parameters of the
world system.
Classical geopolitical concepts analyzed space predominantly in the con-
text of geographical conditions. Vast territory, maritime, land or peninsula loca-
tion determined the position and power of the state. The space was assumed to
be the main determinant of its development.
The balance of power sanctioned by the division of the world into influence
zones of the United States and the Soviet Union as well as arms race between
these powers resulted in the increased importance of the military factor. Geopolitics
was replaced by geo-strategy. The term of geostrategic region appeared at that
time. Economic factors became more and more important. Applying the economic
criterion to the division of the world, I. Wallerstein distinguished between the core,
semi-peripheries and peripheries. Also political and ideological factors turned
out to be vital in the analysis of the geopolitical structure.
The greatest evolution occurred after the end of the Cold War. Qualitative
changes in the polyarchic international environment, globalization processes and
international relationships, so-called asymmetric dangers, conflicts of low inten-
sity, change of border function created a completely new character for space. It
cannot be solely perceived as the variable determining politics but rather a tool
serving the realization of particular interests. The cultural and civilization factor
is as important (S.P. Huntington s concept forecasting the clash of various
civilizations) as the political and economic one. The next change dealt with
pluralism which replaced the state-centric approach. Non-state subjects exert
greater and greater influence on the shape of the international order.
EWOLUCJA GEOPOLITYCZNYCH SZKÓA MY LENIA
Streszczenie. W pó nowestfalskim systemie mi dzynarodowym doszło do odrodzenia geopoli-
tyki. Coraz cz ciej system mi dzynarodowy przypomina przywołan przez Zbigniewa Brzezi -
skiego wielk szachownic , a współprac pa stw zast puje rywalizacja o poszerzanie stref
wpływów oraz d enie do realizacji partykularnych interesów. W publikacji ukazano ewolucj
geopolitycznych szkół my lenia, warunkowan przez dynamiczne zmiany parametrów systemu
mi dzynarodowego. Koncepcje podzielono według kryterium czasowego na: klasyczne koncepcje
geopolityczne, koncepcje geopolityczne powstałe w czasie zimnej wojny oraz koncepcje geopoli-
tyczne uformowane po zako czeniu dwubiegunowej rywalizacji. Analiza geopolitycznych szkół
my lenia pozwoli wskazać istotne zmiany w podej ciu do przestrzeni, a tak e roli, pozycji oraz
interesów pa stwa w systemie mi dzynarodowym.
Słowa kluczowe: geopolityka, geopolityczne szkoły my lenia, ewolucja, pa stwo, przestrze
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