Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the
Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK:
Implications for the Human Rights of
Minority Women
Pragna Patel*
Abstract This article explores the erosion of secular public culture in the UK and its implications for minority
women whose bodies have become the battleground for the control of community representation. It argues
that struggles for equality and secularism now overlap and have taken on a sense of urgency because it is the
human rights of women that are being traded in the various social contracts that are emerging between
state and the religious right minority leaderships in the UK. The increasing communalisation (involving
religious and community groups mobilising solely around religious identities) of South Asian populations, in
particular Muslims, reflects a form of instrumentalisation of religion by the state which has severely
constrained the public space available for women to mobilise around a rights-based agenda and has also
significantly narrowed the choices of women of faith.
1 Introduction on the preservation of religious identities of the
The UK has seen a concerted assault on secular various minorities above the need to build a
2
spaces in the wake of civil unrest in some of the democratic, secular and anti-racist culture. For
Northern cities in 2001, the 9/11 atrocity and the Muslims, the Rushdie Affair marked a significant
7/7 London bombings of 2005. In the guise of the turning point when demands for recognition and
war on terror , the state s response to the threat equality became focused upon religious
of Islamist terrorism has been dominated by a observance and identity. Other minorities
two-pronged approach to minorities first, to quickly followed suit.
counter the direct threat of terrorism with
draconian, anti-civil liberties measures; and, The war on terror has resulted in the deliberate
second, the development of a new cohesion and pursuit of domestic policies by the British state
faith-based approach to minorities to replace the aimed at accommodating religious identity within
previously dominant ideological framework of public institutions. This is in turn, a reflection of
multiculturalism for mediation between State a number of political and social trends resulting
and minority populations. in the shrinking of secular spaces and the
increasing communalisation (involving religious
The process of de-secularisation started in the and community groups mobilising solely around
late 1980s following the Rushdie affair, when religious identities) of South Asian populations in
cracks appeared in the widely held view that particular a process which has been quietly
Britain was a secular society in all but name. The taking place for some time.
Rushdie affair and the resurgence of religious
1
fundamentalism in all religions not only exposed In accommodating religion within state
the lack of separation between the Church of institutions, the state s aim ostensibly has been
England and the State and the privileging of to contain Islamist terrorism on British soil and
Christianity above other religions, but also the to construct a moderate British Islam but the
limits of multiculturalism which placed primacy process of de-secularisation is having far-
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 2011 The Author. IDS Bulletin 2011 Institute of Development Studies
Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA
26
reaching consequences in re-ordering and experiences of racism without suppressing the
undermining the democratic nature of civil problem of gender inequality within family and
society with very specific consequences for all community. None of this was easy to do in
progressive struggles but especially those waged contexts where the only legitimate struggle by
by minority women. This process is occurring many on the progressive left was perceived to be
hand in hand with the dismantling of the welfare the struggle for racial equality.
state and the pursuit of a racist anti-immigration
agenda. The new cohesion and faith-based Since 1982, SBS has operated as a not-for-profit,
approach to minorities has therefore become a advice, advocacy and campaigning centre for
political resource used by the state and the black women, with a particular focus on the
religious right in all communities to aid the needs of South Asian women subject to gender-
de-secularisation process. based violence. While based in West London, an
area with a large South Asian population, we
3
This article explores the erosion of secular public have a national reach.
culture in the UK and its implications for
minority women whose bodies have become the In 2007, Ealing Council decided to cut funding to
battleground for the control of community SBS on the grounds that specialist services for
representation. My argument is that struggles black and minority women worked against the
for equality and secularism now overlap and have interest of equality , diversity and cohesion .
taken on a sense of urgency because it is the Our very name and existence was deemed to be
human rights of women that are being traded in unlawful under the Race Relations Act 1976
the various social contracts that are emerging because it excluded white women and was
between state and the religious right minority therefore discriminatory and divisive. Instead, in
leaderships in the UK. the name of best value for money, the Council
decided to commission a borough-wide generic
2 The SBS experience domestic violence service using the funds that
I use as my starting point a campaign waged by had previously been awarded to SBS funds
the Southall Black Sisters (SBS) in 2007/8 critical to SBS in meeting core costs which were
against a decision made by the local authority not easily available from other grant-making
(Ealing Council) to cease critical funding used by bodies, because most prefer to fund specific
SBS to provide life-saving front-line services for projects rather than overall running costs.
minority women subject to violence and abuse in
the family. What began as a local funding dispute We were concerned that, if left unchallenged,
soon came to signify a much larger struggle for Ealing Council s approach would have allowed
equality and for the right to exist as an public bodies to redefine the notion of equality in
autonomous, secular, anti-racist and feminist ways that undermined the very concept. It had
organisation. come to be defined by Ealing Council as the need
to provide the same services for everyone, in an
SBS was first set up in 1979, comprising African- attempt to address some resentment among the
Caribbean and Asian women, in the midst of white population that it was the majority white
intense anti-racist activity. We consciously population rather than the minorities that had
adopted a secular feminist identity, one based on historically been discriminated against and
a shared history of colonialism, racism and excluded from civic regeneration policies. The
religious patriarchal control. The absence of notion of equality in this sense was no longer
recognition of gender power relations within the linked to the needs of the most vulnerable and
previous anti-racist movements and the absence deprived, but instead viewed as reflecting the
of acknowledgement of racism within white needs of the majority community. Our fear was
feminist movements had resulted in the that this approach would be replicated with
invisibility of black and minority women. It was confidence elsewhere in the country, leading to
this invisibility which gave rise to the the widespread closure of similar organisations set
organisation and others alike. Personally, SBS up to counter racism and provide minority women
was exactly the kind of political home that I and with real alternatives to patriarchal community
other women like me were searching for, since it (religious and cultural based) mechanisms for
enabled us to explore and validate our dealing with disputes in the family.
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 27
SBS therefore brought a legal challenge against Finding in SBS s favour, Lord Justice Moses who
Ealing Council, which culminated on 18 July presided over the hearing held that Ealing
2008 when, at the High Court in London, SBS Council had deliberately failed to have proper
won an important affirmation of the right to regard to its duties under the Race Relations Act
exist as a secular specialist provider of domestic 1976, and had taken a flawed approach to
violence services to black and minority women. cohesion in reaching its decision:
In court, SBS submitted that Ealing Council s There is no dichotomy between the promotion
approach to equality in effect meant that the of equality and cohesion and the provision of
race equality legislation in the UK could not specialist services to an ethnic minority.
protect those who are historically Barriers cannot be broken down unless the
disenfranchised and discriminated against, since victims themselves recognise that the source
it rejected the notion of positive action in of help is coming from the same community
addressing racism. We argued that the Council s and background as they do. Ealing s mistake
one size fits all approach was misconstrued was to believe that cohesion and equality
because it ignored unequal structural relations precluded the provision of services from such
based on class, gender and race. The SBS further a source. It seemed to believe that such
argued that specialist services for minority services could only lawfully be provided by a
women are needed, not only for reasons to do single provider or consortium to victims of
with language difficulties and cultural and domestic violence throughout the borough. It
religious pressures, but also because of the need appreciates that it was in error and that in
for advice and advocacy framed within a certain circumstances the purposes of Section
democratic and secular ethos in complex 71 and the relevant statutory code may only
circumstances where racism and religious be met by specialist services from a specialist
fundamentalism are on the rise in the UK and source. That is the importance of the name of
worldwide. the Southall Black Sisters. Its very name
4
evokes home and family.
SBS also argued that Ealing Council s approach
to cohesion was fundamentally wrong because it Lord Justice Moses concluded his much
failed to recognise that, far from causing celebrated judgement by safeguarding a more
divisions, the provision of specialist services may progressive notion of equality:
sometimes be necessary to address substantive
inequality, and that in turn is central to An equal society protects and promotes
achieving a more cohesive society. It was pointed equality, real freedom and substantive
out that the SBS project was in fact an example opportunity to live in the ways people value
of how cohesion is achieved organically, borne out and would choose so that everyone can
of collective struggles for human rights, and not flourish. An equal society recognises people s
by the imposition of ill-conceived social policies different needs, situations and goals and
from above. It was described how black and removes the barriers that limit what people
minority women from various national, ethnic can do and can be.
and religious backgrounds learn to co-exist in
the secular space provided by the SBS. In doing The SBS case has created a legal precedent as to
so, they both tolerate religious and cultural the correct approach to be taken by statutory
differences and at the same time challenge public bodies in the delivery of services and the
religious and cultural practices that stifle their funding of specialist organisations. The challenge
common desires and aspirations to live free from has come to represent a key moment for black
violence, abuse and from other constrictions on and minority groups and other organisations in
their lives. the voluntary or third sector seeking to address
the needs of the vulnerable and marginalised in
The newly formed Equalities and Human Rights society. But it has also sounded a warning bell to
Commission (EHRC) which intervened at SBS s secular progressive minority groups.
insistence also criticised Ealing Council s
interpretation and implementation of the Ealing Council s cynical use of the cohesion
equality legislation and its policy on cohesion. agenda to cut our funding has profound
28 Patel Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK: Implications for the Human Rights of Minority Women
implications for the human rights of black and The government s cohesion strategy can be
minority women in particular. We are acutely traced back to July 2001 and the civil
aware that the judgement, notwithstanding its disturbances that took place in the northern UK
progressive definition of equality, does not cities of Oldham, Burnley and Bradford areas
necessarily preclude fundamentalists and the with large Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim
religious right from claiming scarce public populations. These northern towns and cities are
funding to provide faith-based services on the economically deprived areas historically born out
grounds that they are best placed to address of the collapse of the textile industries and the
those from the same religious background. failure of social policies to redistribute resources
equitably. The entire region is characterised by
3 Cohesion: a new policy framework for minorities considerable social segregation, especially in
As the SBS example so clearly shows, the education, social exclusion, poor housing and
cohesion approach promoted by the government, racism. The result has been simmering
is now the dominant framework for dealing with community tensions between white British and
minorities. It is a policy objective that is linked to Asian British youths in particular, who have
the other overarching themes of governance in fought each other and the police in street
the UK today, greater civic engagement; battles, often fuelled by inflammatory right wing
preventing violent Muslim extremism; managing organisations and the media.
migration with a view to assimilation and the
shift in institutional accountability towards faith- In implementing the cohesion policy, the state
based organisations and institutions. followed a contradictory course. For example, far
from removing racially segregated education,
Cohesion is a malleable term that has never been identified as a major divisive force in British
precisely defined by the government. Official society, the government actively promoted single-
definitions refer to cohesion as a process that faith schools and academies and set about
must happen in all communities to ensure that creating the conditions for faith-based
different groups of people get on well together organisations to flourish.
(Commission on Integration and Cohesion
2007). At the national and local level, a cohesive In August 2006, the government announced the
community is described as one in which there is a launch of the Commission on Integration and
common vision and sense of belonging for all Cohesion to identify the ways in which local
communities; where the diversity of people s areas can foster cohesion. The Chair of the
different backgrounds and circumstances is Commission was Darra Singh who was also
appreciated and positively valued; where those directly responsible for the SBS funding crisis as
from different backgrounds have similar life the Chief Executive of Ealing Council. The
opportunities and where there are strong and report of the Commission Our Shared Future ,
positive relationships developing between people published in June 2007, did not address
from different backgrounds and circumstances in structural inequality or more pertinently the
the workplace, in schools and within contradictions of promoting faith-based
5
neighbourhoods. organisations in achieving cohesion. While there
was some acknowledgement in the report that
While the rhetoric of cohesion appears to have the disturbances in the northern cities in 2001
laudable aims and locates the responsibility for were in part a reflection of deprivation and
community cohesion on all communities industrial decline, nevertheless its focus was
including the majority community, in reality, the entirely on the need to develop local-based
government has linked the issue with race. Its cohesion work largely through religious
guidance document for instance calls on local exchange networks and it gave guidance to
councils to develop their cohesion strategy in the local authorities to avoid funding single identity
context of race relations. The assumption is that groups in particular. The report also avoided
it is migrants (largely Muslims) who have failed addressing the problematic issue of state support
to integrate into a British way of life or adopt for faith-based schools, especially the existence
British values and are therefore responsible for of Church of England, Catholic and Jewish
the lack of cohesion in society. The SBS funding schools which in turn, has fuelled resentment
crisis illustrated this connection clearly. among other religious minorities, resulting in
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 29
the growth of state funding of Muslim, Sikh and Ealing Council s Preventing Violent Extremism
Hindu schools. (PVE) (Ealing Council 2008) strategies also
reflect a major preoccupation with engagement
In 2008, the government issued a consultation with Muslims only. Of the Ł45 million made
document Guidance for Funders (Department available by the government for 2008 11 to local
for Communities and Local Government 2008), authorities to tackle extremism among Muslims,
which formed an important part of the Ealing Council received a total Ł205,000 for
government s response to the Commission on 2008 9, rising to Ł225,000 and Ł286,000 for
Integration and Cohesion and its report Our 2009 10, respectively. Ealing s PVE agenda seeks
Shared Future . The Guidance set out the to gather greater understanding of the
government s intention to advise funders on issues/concerns facing Muslim communities;
practical ways in which local authorities could provide space for greater dialogue and discussion
help build strong communities by promoting around Muslim identity and understanding
cohesion and integration locally. Following the Islamic values; provide more opportunities for
report, the Guidance also placed conditions on engagement with the wider community through
the funding of single community groups defined volunteering and establish greater support
as third sector groups providing targeted support networks for Muslim women. Under the theme of
for single issue/identity-based community activity. Engaging with Muslim Women , the Council has
These groups include black and minority groups made a grant of Ł35,000 available to local groups
and other equality groups, including women s to foster in young Muslim women a greater
groups, gay and lesbian support groups, age and willingness to express their own views and
disability groups and service providers. The view influence their local community, a greater
was that local funding should not be made awareness on how to access public services offered
available to single group projects if it builds by statutory bodies such as the Council, and a
resentment in others . Following the SBS funding greater awareness on how to become involved in
victory, the government withdrew the Guidance local decision-making processes. Youth services
on funding for single identity groups and left it to have also been provided with Ł10,000 to engage
local authorities to use their discretion on what with Muslim girls in secondary schools through
organisations to fund or services to commission. lunchtime sessions to discuss the concerns of the
Muslim girls (Ealing Council 2008).
Local Authorities have since continued to divest
themselves and their areas of their race While Ealing Council maintains that the PVE
equality departments and officers and replaced focus compliments the emerging borough
them with Community Cohesion Directorates. It Integration and Community Cohesion strategy
would appear that it is the long-standing single developed in 2007 , in practice, the Council s
identity groups (more often than not, progressive PVE and Cohesion strategies are
and secular) that are targeted for funding cuts at indistinguishable.
the same time as encouraging faith-based groups
to emerge, as discussed below. The withdrawal of One consequence of Ealing Council s cohesion
funding for SBS is one high profile example but approach is that it has encouraged the
there have been others, including several Asian development of faith-based initiatives, including
women s refuges, mental health and community the future creation of Muslim women-only
organisations for African and Caribbean people, projects, without any reference to the politics
to name but a few. and ethos of such projects and even though there
are no visible demands for such organisations
This dual process was vividly evident at the (Ealing Council 2008). This approach is being
height of SBS s funding crisis. The irony of the repeated throughout the UK and the
situation in which SBS found itself was, that at organisations that have so far been closed or
the same time that Ealing Council decided to threatened with closure are secular organisations
withdraw financial assistance, Ealing s Cohesion for black and ethnic migrants, secular women s
Strategy was and continues to be dominated by refuges for black and minority women, disability
the need to promote faith-based (largely groups and rape crisis centres. Following SBS s
Muslim) groups to deliver local welfare services lead, organisations confronting similar funding
6
(Ealing Council 2007). problems with their local authorities have
30 Patel Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK: Implications for the Human Rights of Minority Women
mounted legal challenges against their Councils society because they are deemed to be important
using the equality legislation but while some sources of social capital (vital sources of civic
have been successful, others have not. mobilisation and social campaigning) (Ealing
Paradoxically, the emphasis on funding faith- Council 2008). These policies and strategies
based groups have led some previously secular effectively re-cast ethnic minority communities
black and minority organisations to re-fashion (especially South Asian) as faith communities
themselves as faith-based groups this has the so, for example Asian communities are
effect of reinforcing the view that questions of increasingly re-categorised as Hindu , Sikh and
identity within minority communities can be Muslim communities.
reduced to questions of religious values only.
Discussions with a number of anti-racist activists The increasing emphasis on religion and religious
in the north of England have suggested that identities has led to the transformation of Britain
minority groups have recently adopted a faith- from a multicultural into multi-faith society,
based identity in order to attract local authority based on a model of integration which views the
funding that has been diverted from anti-racist discrimination and exclusion of many in black
projects to cohesion and preventing violent and minority communities not as a product of
extremism work. class inequality or racism, but as a historical
failure to respect and facilitate religious identity
4 From multiculturalism to multi-faithism within public institutions. Models of civic
The rise of fundamentalist leaderships in engagement based on notions of citizenship and
minority communities has posed a significant respect for individual human rights, which have
threat to the autonomy and fundamental never been given the opportunity to take root
freedoms of minority women in the UK. Since properly, are replaced by notions of social
2000, however, minority women have found cohesion and integration involving adherence to
themselves facing a more difficult and invidious core British values . But such adherence does not
battle involving not just fundamentalists but displace cultural or religious identity. In fact, the
mainstream religious leadership itself the so- emphasis on engagement based on faith identity
called moderates who, with the demise of encourages adherence to cultural and social
progressive secular institutions within minority autonomy as well as to a core set of values which
communities, in particular black workers are mostly about the maintenance of public order.
support organisations, anti-racist and police This is well understood by both the state and the
monitoring groups and Asian women s refuges, various religious leaderships. For example, the
are increasingly seen by the state to be fulfilling UK s Islamic Human Rights Commission has
a crucial role in mediating between state and made it clear that it sees no reason why minority
community. This is of course a process that has communities cannot be guided by their personal
always occurred under multiculturalism, but religious laws, since this does not impact on social
what is different, is the unequivocal cohesion. The demand for equality is therefore
acknowledgement by the state that religion is a substituted by the demand for greater
vital part of public life which cannot be ignored. recognition of religious diversity and the need for
religious literacy . That is, the need to
The faith-based perspective (a framework of understand the dominant theological values and
mediation between state and community traditions as espoused by religious leaders, but
institutions based solely around religious not the recognition of the various liberal cultural
identity), is now an integral part of the cohesion and religious and non-religious traditions within
agenda. At its heart is the view that civil society a community.
is split into two groups those that are faith
based and those that are secular. There is Faith groups are now to be found at the heart of
increasing conviction in official policy that the the regeneration of communities and as a direct
experiences, resources and networks of people result, religion is becoming increasingly
based on religious identity have been neglected entrenched within state institutions at central
in favour of secular groups (Ealing Council and local levels, and is reflected at all levels of
2008). To correct this situation, strategies and state policy. In all the key public institutions, the
programmes are developed to give faith-based emphasis has shifted to the need to provide
organisations full opportunity to participate in services that are sensitive to religious identities
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 31
and values . This has brought into the domain of play an important role in helping to combat
religious groups, concerns which were once poverty, homelessness and destitution faced by
addressed by progressive secular anti-racist and immigrants and asylum seekers for instance, but
feminist groups, including issues such as they do this while remaining in the private
domestic violence, child protection, and the sector, raising funds through their own
rights of black and minority offenders in the membership and from other sources. Most
criminal justice system. importantly, their users are relatively free to
exercise choice in whether or not they wish to
The state s multi-faith approach has opened up use their services. But what is harmful about the
the space for a reactionary politics of identity cohesion and faith-based approach is the fact
based on religion to flourish and has put power that in the name of equality, religious groups are
and authority into the hands of religious leaders. being brought into the public domain through
The conflation of issues around race with public funding to provide services on the basis of
religious identity as defined by the state and their religious ethos and belief systems. The
fundamentalist and conservative religious danger is that through need and individual
leaderships, has also paradoxically, led to the circumstances coupled with a lack of
direct sponsorship of fundamentalist or alternatives, users, such as vulnerable minority
reactionary organisations such as the Muslim women will have no choice but to use the services
Council of Great Britain, The Muslim offered by religious organisations. Needless to
7
Association and the Hindu Forum of Britain, all say, and as the experience of women and sexual
of whom claim to be moderates and all of whom minorities shows, those who do not share the
have enjoyed or enjoy an unprecedented ethos and values of such organisations will find
9
influence on state policy towards minorities. themselves discriminated against and excluded.
8
The so-called moderates may profess to keep 5 Minority women and the struggle for human
law and order on the streets of Britain and decry rights
the extremists in their midst but many are The struggle for equality and for the human
linked to violent fundamentalist movements rights of all minority women in the UK is now
abroad where violence is routinely used to inextricably linked to the struggle for secular
subjugate women. Nor are they moderate on the spaces. The turning point in compelling feminist
question of women s rights in the UK. Many have organisations like SBS to make explicit this
used the space opened up by the government s connection was the Rushdie Affair and the
faith and cohesion agenda to put themselves growing power of religious fundamentalists who
forward as the authentic voice of their used the multicultural terrain to pursue a
communities and make demands which are vigorous de-secularisation agenda (Southall
primarily about limiting women s participation Black Sisters 1990; Sahgal and Davies 1992). The
in the public sphere and maintaining the private anti-Rushdie protests created the conditions for
sphere of the family as the only legitimate arena the emergence of a culture of intolerance, fear
of female existence. and censorship, which remains with us in a more
heightened form. Since the 1990s, we have
The state s cohesion and faith-based approach witnessed with alarming frequency, religious
10
fits neatly into a wider neoconservative agenda fundamentalist and authoritarian protests to
involving the privatisation of vital state any form of dissent from an imposed religious
functions. The steady demise of the welfare state identity, much of which has centred directly and
cannot be underestimated, since the breach that indirectly on the control of women s sexuality.
is created has allowed religion to step in, Nor are such protests confined to Muslims only.
advantaged as it is over secular groups, by its Hindus, Sikhs and Christians in the majority
networks of membership and vast resources. community have also sought to impose strict
Space does not allow a full discussion of the role religious identity on followers by clamping down
11
of religion in the provision of social services in on dissent. It would seem that orthodox if not
12
the UK, but the shifting of institutional fundamentalist leaders in all religions are vying
accountability for welfare services on to religious for control over the representation of their
organisations is a dangerous development. It has communities. In the process, what is made
to be recognised that religious groups can and do transparent is the re-invention of essentialist
32 Patel Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK: Implications for the Human Rights of Minority Women
notions of religion as a framework for that persists in society more generally, women
highlighting inequalities and demanding will find it difficult to obtain a hearing on equal
13
recognition. terms.
6 The privatisation of family law It is true that if civil law principles are breached
The feminist and human rights scholar Karima by the operation of religious tribunals like the
Bennoune (2007) has stated that the struggle to MAT, it is open to a party to complain but that
keep human rights and the law separate is one of choice is illusory unless a party is actually able to
the most urgent struggles now taking place complain and even then, the woman would need
globally. She adds that the emphasis on freedom to convince a court that legal principles are
of religion has overshadowed the importance of breached. For example, to prove duress in cases
freedom from religion (Bennoune 2007). This is of forced marriage, she would have to meet the
clearly evident in recent debates and evidentiary threshold required and this may not
developments in respect of demands made by be easy to do. Many women do not necessarily
some Muslim organisations to incorporate know that their rights have been violated or will
aspects of personal laws (Sharia laws) in relation not want to be seen to be dissenting from
to the family within the English legal system, a religious norms and will not want to risk being
move which is encouraged by leading figures in ostracised and subject to being declared a bad
14
the judiciary and the Church of England. Muslim or Sikh or Hindu . Many will not
complain even if there are violations of the law.
6.1 Religious arbitration tribunals Moreover, social pressures which circumscribe
Family laws are increasingly at the centre of the choices open to women will not always be
political controversies between religious groups acknowledged. Cases in the English courts
and secular feminists in the UK. The recent suggest that so far, only legal and not social
18
creation of the Muslim Arbitration Tribunal compulsion is recognised.
(MAT) in the UK, set up and managed in
accordance with the Arbitration Act 1996 for The existing evidence on the outcome of family
alternative dispute resolution in civil law cases, disputes in the MAT, suggests that the primary
especially family cases in England, is an example concern is to keep the family intact, even in
of how religion is encroaching upon the secular circumstances where women and children are
15
legal system (Taher 2008). The MAT will enable highly vulnerable to domestic or family violence.
arbitration (mediation by another name) of, For instance on its official website, the MAT
among others, family disputes to take place in professes only to be concerned with civil disputes
16
accordance with Islamic sacred law . By existing and not to interfere with the criminal law
within the framework of the Arbitration Act 1996, process but nevertheless it is interfering in ways
the MAT will ensure that its determinations can that undermine state protection for minority
be enforced by the English courts in cases where women by limiting their participation in the civil
both parties have agreed to be bound by the and criminal justice system, for example by
outcome. diverting them away from the formal legal
system towards informal, religious-based
Groups like SBS and Women Against mechanisms for dispute resolution. In a number
17
Fundamentalism have challenged developments of domestic violence cases, the MAT has
such as the MAT, by arguing that the demand for succeeded in reconciling women with their
religious personal laws will result in the abusive partners without regard to their history
privatisation of family law and thus become the of abuse or their general vulnerability. Indeed,
main means by which the absolute control of the MAT has gone so far as to state that it will
minority women is maintained. Such a actively interfere in criminal cases by seeking to
development will in effect allow unelected and influence the Crown Prosecution Services to drop
unaccountable community leaders to preside as charges in domestic violence cases even where
judges and make determinations based on criminal offences may have been committed:
religious interpretations that have historically
discriminated against women and legitimised The MAT is unable to deal with criminal
their oppression within the family. Moreover, offences as we do not have jurisdiction to try
when combined with the wider gender inequality such matters in the UK. However where there
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 33
are criminal charges such as assault within diligence, in order to prevent, investigate and
the context of domestic violence, the parties punish acts of violence against women, including
will be able [to] ask MAT to assist in reaching those carried out by non-state actors is a
reconciliation which is observed and approved necessary function of a democratic state and the
by MAT as an independent organisation. The democratic principle. This duty is clearly being
terms of such a reconciliation can then be subverted as the above quote on how the MATs
passed by MAT on to the Crown Prosecution deals with domestic violence cases show. Instead
Service (CPS) through the local Police of encouraging women to seek redress or
Domestic Violence Liaison Officers with a accountability through the courts, the aim of the
19
view to reconsidering the criminal charges. MAT is solely to resolve family matters
informally, precisely in order to avoid the
By allowing religious arbitration tribunals like scrutiny of the state.
the MAT to adjudicate in family disputes, the
state is in effect privileging and sponsoring the In response to criticisms about the formalisation
most dominant, patriarchal, homophobic and of legally binding religious arbitration systems,
authoritarian, if not fundamentalist supporters of the MAT argue that it is an
interpretations of religions in minority important vehicle for the expression of Muslim
communities. The incorporation of religious female choice and autonomy and that
personal laws within the legal system formalises regulation of the system is all that is required to
20
gender discrimination and a culturally relativist address gender discrimination. This
approach to family cases; adding to the immense perspective, which at first glance appears
community pressures that minority women seductive, fails to grasp two crucial problems.
already face to agree to mediation and First, that the question of the exercise of choice
governance, based on their religious identity. It and autonomy for most minority women cannot
signals the view that it is legitimate for minority be divested from the social, political and
communities to operate a second-rate justice economic power dynamics that exist within and
system based on unaccountable and partial without minority communities which usually
mechanisms of conflict resolution. This is in protect vested patriarchal interests. Second, the
itself a racist response to demands for equality need to save state resources is precisely why any
and justice, especially in view of the fact that attempts to regulate religious tribunals will
even in countries where state-sanctioned ultimately fail, since the type of effective
religious laws operate, there are substantial regulation required would defeat the object of
movements, often led by women and human the exercise, which is to save resources and time.
rights activists, for their repeal on the grounds Global research conducted by the International
that they are not compatible with universal Council for Human Rights Policy in Geneva,
human rights principles. suggests that mechanisms for regulation in any
case are wholly absent, and that states that have
By accommodating religious systems of dispute established separate religious laws are very
resolution in family matters in the English legal reluctant to intervene in their functioning to
system, the UK state is effectively taking away regulate or reform them. The inevitable
the safety net of the secular legal system consequence is that the laws of the minority will
underpinned as it is, by universal human rights remain unreformed for decades (International
values to which minority women have Council on Human Rights Policy 2009).
contributed through their struggles. In doing so,
it accepts the view propounded by religionists 6.2 Contradictory developments in the law s response
that the principles of individual choice and to women s human rights
autonomy are western or alien concepts and Notwithstanding the demand for greater
encourages the development of parallel legal religious literacy within the English legal
systems. The incorporation of the MAT within system, English judges from time to time have
the legal system directly contravenes the UK s safeguarded the rights of minority women,
obligations under the domestic and international despite accusations of Islamaphobia or religious
human rights law, which is to protect women and insensitivity. Although not a uniform occurrence,
children from acts of violence committed in there have been some very welcome judgements
public or private spaces. The duty to exercise due in the courts.
34 Patel Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK: Implications for the Human Rights of Minority Women
In a recent case involving childcare proceedings, To accommodate this request, the judge
Lord Justice Wall (2009) emphatically stated adjourned the hearings to obtain reports from a
that religious law cannot be allowed to trump Muslim cleric in order to ascertain the position
concerns about the physical safety of children. In of Muslim women in public life. Following this
this case, a Muslim father of children under 11 report, on religious and cultural grounds, he
years of age, sought to challenge the placement permitted her to give her evidence and be cross-
of his children with a non-Muslim foster family examined via videolink through a female
in circumstances where the children had suffered interpreter.
horrific abuse. Dismissing evidence from a
Muslim scholar who appears to have argued that It is easy to have a feminist kneejerk response to
placing the children with a non-Muslim family this case; to view the measures taken by the
would exacerbate the physical risk to the court as very necessary in a situation where there
children by making the matter more public, is a need to improve the notoriously low rates of
thereby increasing the shame and dishonour prosecutions in rape cases. However, when
wrought on the family, the judge argued that the examined more closely, the court s approach
correct priority was the physical safety of the gives rise to some concern mainly because it
children. came close to undermining the rules of evidence
in order to allow for greater religious and
The problem is that such insights about the cultural accommodation. The court s response
arbitrary application of religious laws and their was not about the valid need for witness
inherent bias in favour of patriarchal power do protection or even about making the court
not appear to be creatively applied in other process less intimidating for female rape victims,
cases, nor do they influence social policy but about the need to respect the religious
considerations or the wider political culture identity of Muslim women as endorsed by the
which is increasingly preoccupied with the desire Muslim theological expert used by the court. In
not to cause religious offence. In other words, many other situations, the same religious
attempts to address the clash between key rights, framework used to determine state response to
for example the right to manifest religion and minority women can and will work against the
the right to gender equality in legal judgements, interests of women precisely because it is not
are often ignored in state social policy and they but religious experts who validate their
practice towards minority communities. responses. In a political climate where there is
huge pressure on women to conform to standards
22
The tendency to show deference to religious laid down by fundamentalists and religionists, it
values is usefully illustrated in a rape case that is women who have the most to lose when the
21
came to SBS s attention in 2006. The case rule of law or important legal safeguards are
concerned a traditional Muslim woman who was undermined or when needs are determined upon
raped by her husband who was then prosecuted. the basis of religious identity. It therefore
However, at trial she claimed that her religious becomes all the more necessary to uphold the
requirements meant that she could not take part rule of law since women s freedom (from terror
in a public legal process involving men unrelated and torture within the context of the family) is
to her to whom she would have to answer as dependent on it as is the freedom of those who
questions of a sexual nature. are targeted as so-called state terrorists .
In response, the prosecution counsel requested Far from empowering minority women, the
the defendant to change to a female counsel, but court s approach is inhibitive because it
that request was refused, presumably on the inevitably draws on very narrow assumptions
valid grounds that this interfered with the about religious identity. Yet, the approach taken
defendant s right to choose his own legal by the court has been widely circulated by the
representation. The prosecution counsel then police as a model on how to address religious and
requested that the victim be allowed to give cultural issues within the criminal justice system.
evidence via a videolink through a female Ultimately, it is a disturbing case, since it is only
interpreter so that she would not have to see or a short step to accepting the view that Muslim
hear the defendant s barrister or indeed any and other ethnic minority women have no need
other male within the court room. to utilise the secular legal system, since they are
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 35
governed by their own community or personal ethnicities, cultures and religion. The approach
laws. Indeed, this is precisely what happened in strongly undermines the solidarity that has been
Germany when a Moroccan Muslim woman was forged by minority women and encourages
denied a divorce in the face of domestic violence groups to compete for resources and separate
by a judge who stated that as a Muslim woman, provision based solely around religious identity.
she was governed by the Koran and not the civil
law of the land (Hari 2007). The decision was Collaborations between state institutions and
eventually overruled but the danger of adopting faith groups on issues that were once the terrain
a culturally relativist approach is all too obvious. of black and minority feminists are now evident
up and down the country. In July 2005, the
7 The role of religion in shaping public policy Greater London Domestic Violence Project, for
The speed with which the English legal system instance, organised a round table discussion on
and indeed all public institutions are absorbing domestic violence with faith leaders from
minority religious identity at the exclusion of all London s main religions, many of whom
else, is alarming. One glaring example of this is belonged to minority religions. But no secular
the way in which the government has set up feminist groups that had worked on domestic
numerous advisory forums to discuss issues violence within minority communities were
affecting minority communities but involving invited to be part of the same discussion. The
religious leaders or increasingly Muslim women effect of this is two-fold: first, it empowers
as opposed to black and minority ethnic (BME) community leaders to take responsibility for
women only. For instance in 2002, the issues such as domestic violence without having
government set up the Muslim Women s to account to women in their communities; since
Network UK (2006), which conducted a series of they are encouraged to relate only with the state
closed focus group discussions in 2006 to give through engagement in inter-faith partnerships.
voice to Muslim women s needs. Second, the absence of feminists and progressive
groups from such discussions serves to
The report launched soon after by the Muslim de-legitimise feminist and secular approaches to
23
Women s Network UK identified many issues social issues within minority communities.
such as gender-based violence, immigration
difficulties, community pressures, racism and the This event led to the publication of a report
lack of political representation most of which entitled Praying for Peace . While it does
are not specific to Muslim women only. But by contain feminist analysis of domestic violence, it
attributing such experiences to Muslim women, also encourages partnerships between faith
the state wittingly or unwittingly homogenises leaders and the domestic violence sector (white
Muslim religious identity and isolates the but not black and minority secular feminists) in
experiences of Muslim women from those of addressing issues of domestic violence.
other South Asian women with whom they share Unsurprisingly, the entire debate on violence
specific family values and norms, due to their against women is circumscribed within a
common social, cultural and political histories of religious framework which by its very nature
origin in the Indian sub-continent. For example compromises progressive human rights language
issues of honour and shame , which are central and principles. For example, the report utilises
organising features of all South Asian families religious notions of karma and sin , which
and beyond critical in controlling female clearly act as substitutes for the feminist notions
sexuality, are increasingly being attributed to of human rights, choice and autonomy. Perhaps
Muslim women only. the most significant aspect of the report is the
emergence of a contract between state and
The strategy of isolating Muslim women s needs religious leaders to tackle issues such as
and presenting them as somehow different from domestic violence, forced marriage and other
those of other South Asian women in particular forms of abuse within minority communities. But
is deliberate and divisive. It plays into the the trade-off is not about protecting minority
fundamentalist segregationist agenda and denies women, but about the maintenance of public
the overwhelming success of secular Asian order in return for communal (family) autonomy.
women s projects organising against gender- By appearing to take responsibility for issues like
based violence and discrimination across domestic violence or forced marriage in minority
36 Patel Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK: Implications for the Human Rights of Minority Women
communities, religious leaders can expect institutions but as political entities involved in
increased state support and resources, which struggles for power and control over resources
ultimately give them greater control over women and people, especially women.
(Greater London Authority 2006).
8 Conclusion
The reality of women s lives does not support the We have found that, despite challenges and
view that most minority women choose identity protests from secular feminists, and subject to a
according to their faiths alone. In a study few exceptions which serve only to prove the rule,
24
carried out by SBS on the impact of the there is no political will within or without the
cohesion and faith-based agenda on women, the state to confront the problem of the erosion of
majority of women of various ages and religious the secular fabric of public culture in the UK.
backgrounds who were interviewed, expressed Liberals and anti-racists alike have uncritically
very strong negative sentiments of mistrust and embraced the view that the adoption of a political
alienation from religious-based leaderships religious identity is inevitable and necessary in
within religious institutions. Of the 21 women the struggle against imperialism and racism as
interviewed, all except one professed to some signified by the war on terror . While many have
form of religious belief and some held very been critical of the state s cohesion agenda and
strong personal religious convictions. But all of the backlash against multiculturalism, few (if
the respondents viewed religion as a matter of any) publicly acknowledge the close link between
personal choice or belief, rather than the basis of the promotion of the cohesion agenda and the
a social identity. They did not express any sense faith-based approach to the management of race
of belonging to a faith-based community. In fact, relations. Yet it is precisely this linkage which
their reality showed that they adopted fluid corrals minorities into specific reactionary
identities which often straddled different religious identities and reinforces the tendency to
traditions and cultures, for example: value religious and cultural orthodoxy and
conservatism, often imposed by powerful, illiberal
Tomorrow I go to celebrate Valentine s Day. Islam says and even fundamentalist religious forces within
we shouldn t dance. I used to get awards for dancing. minority communities.
I love celebrating Valentine s Day. I will wear red
clothes and red lipstick and get a red rose & I wear It is black and minority women who lose out in
lots of makeup and perfume. I also love celebrating the ensuing silence, since their bodies are being
Christmas and Easter. These are small pieces of used by the state to wage its war on terror and
happiness. by fundamentalists and religionists to safeguard
the socioreligious identity of their communities.
The vast majority of the women interviewed The reality of women s lives show that the
were adamant that they did not want religious struggle for secularism is the struggle for
authority to arbitrate on family matters. Reasons equality and human rights. The two struggles
for this included memories of religious divisions are now so inextricably linked that it is
in their countries of origin (the pain of partition impossible to wage one without simultaneously
of the Indian sub-continent was still raw for waging the other. This is the true significance of
some); fear of breaches of confidentiality; fear of SBS s successful challenge to Ealing Council: it
25
sexual exploitation and abuse of religious highlighted the urgent need to develop a politics
power; vulnerability to coercion and social of solidarity within and between communities
compulsion to stay in the family; fear of not which recognises that what is at stake is no less
being listened to and fear of corruption, than the fight for secular, progressive, feminist
factionalism and struggles for power within and anti-racist values a fight which is embodied
religious institutions. In other words, they did in our name.
not see religious institutions as simply religious
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 37
Notes and social tensions affecting Muslims and how
* This article is an abridged, revised version of a to engage Muslim communities to engage in
longer paper written for Women Living the formation of public policy; deliver a faith
Under Muslim Law . volunteering project for schools, hospitals and
1 I distinguish religious fundamentalism (the the police targeting Muslim volunteers;
political use of religion) from religious provide conflict mentoring training for young
observance, by following the definition Muslim children and people; hold a
developed by Women Against conference that will emphasise a scholarly
Fundamentalism: Religious fundamentalism interpretation of Islam that supports
refers to the rise of any modern religious integration and citizenship; launch a Muslim
political movements that exercise selectivity network; build the capacity of third sector
in the interpretation of its religious texts. Two organisations that will explore the values of
features that are common to all Islam; develop questionnaires to gather the
fundamentalist religious movements stand views of Muslims.
out: first, they claim their version of religion 7 See The Islamic Right Key Tendencies (Awaaz
to be the only true one and feel threatened by 2006), which traces the roots of the Muslim
pluralist systems of thought; and second, they Council of Britain to the long-standing Islamic
use political means by which to impose their Right political party the Jamaati-I-islami (JI)
version of the truth on all members of their from the Indian sub-continent,
religion. Fundamentalism is a term that can www.awaazsaw.org/awaaz_pia4.pdf. Awaaz is a
apply to all religions but at the heart of all UK-based secular network of organisations
fundamentalist movements is support for the and individuals set up to monitor religious
patriarchal family as a central agent of hatred in South Asia and the UK. Awaaz has
control. And women are viewed as embodying also researched the links between so-called
the morals and traditional values of the family moderate Hindu organisations, such as the
and whole community. These movements Hindu Forum of Britain and the Hindu
demand absolute conformity to religious laws Council UK and Hindu Right organisations in
as interpreted by male religious leaders and India responsible for fomenting hatred and
deny the countless religious interpretations, violence against Muslims. It also notes that in
traditions and practices that have evolved April 2006, Ramesh Kallidai, the General
within a religion (Sahgal and Davies 1992). Secretary of the Hindu Forum was appointed
2 See Gita Sahgal (Sahgal and Davies 1992). commissioner by the Commission on
3 For a history and account of the work of Integration and Cohesion. Awaaz has exposed
Southall Black Sisters, see Southall Black him as a sympathiser if not promoter of Hindu
Sisters (1990) and Gupta (2003). fascism. In April 2006 for instance, he
4 R (on the application of Kaur and Shah v attended a meeting of the Hindu
London Borough of Ealing. [2008] EWHC 2062 Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS), a British branch
(Admin). of the RSS a fascist organisation in India that
5 The accepted definition of community promotes Hindu supremacist ideology where
cohesion agreed by the Improvement and he paid homage to a previous leader of the
Development Agency (IDeA), the LGA (Local RSS who extolled the virtues of Nazi Germany.
Government Association) and the Home The RSS has been widely blamed for large
Office was first published in the LGA s scale anti-minority violence in India and one of
Guidance on Community Cohesion (2002). its former members was responsible for the
6 See Ealing s Shared Future: Integration and murder of Mahatma Gandhi.
Community Cohesion Strategy 2007 2011. The 8 The term moderates is peculiar to
following objectives dominate Ealing s discussions following the 9/11 bombings in
cohesion strategy, although they are by no New York and is often used by the US and
means exhaustive: work with faith-based European states to distinguish between
groups; publish a faith directory; hold inter- extreme and so-called moderate Muslims.
faith conferences and improve inter-faith Those Muslims who claim to advocate
working; deliver Ealing Muslim Community moderation in respect of religious or political
engagement project by working with Muslim beliefs and to uphold the rule of law (usually
children and young people on issues, problems with reference to public order) are deemed to
38 Patel Cohesion, Multi-faithism and the Erosion of Secular Spaces in the UK: Implications for the Human Rights of Minority Women
be Moderates . It is however, a contested term 15 See Abul Taher Revealed: UK s first official
which is firmly located within the politics of Sharia courts , Times Online, September 2008.
the war on terror . See also Muslim Arbitration Tribunal, at
9 For example, in 2007, in the UK, the Roman www.matribunal.com
Catholic Church threatened to close all its 16 The Muslim Arbitration Tribunal announces
adoption and fostering agencies because of itself on its website in the following way: The
new equality legislation, which made it Muslim Arbitration Tribunal (MAT) was
unlawful for agencies to discriminate against established in 2007 to provide a viable
gay couples wanting to adopt or foster alternative for the Muslim community seeking
children. The Church was seeking an to resolve disputes in accordance with Islamic
exemption from the equality legislation Sacred Law and without having to resort to
pertaining to sexual orientation. We fear that costly and time consuming litigation . See
religious institutions in all religions will seek Muslim Arbitration Tribunal, at
to legitimise sexual or gender discrimination www.matribunal.com
by claiming religious privilege and by doing 17 Women Against Fundamentalism was formed
so, exclude from their services those who do in 1989 to challenge the rise of
not share their religious values. fundamentalism in all religions. Its members
10 By this, I mean forms of protest that seek to use include women from a wide range of
fear and intimidation to impose a particular backgrounds and from across the world. See
interpretation of religion on the population. www.womenagainstfundamentalism.org.uk
11 Over the years, there have been a number of 18 See, for example Hirani v Hirani [1983] 4 F.L.R.
protests within minority populations that 232. P v R [2003] 1 F.L.R. 661 and Re M Minors
reflect growing intolerance of dissent from (repatriated orphans) [2003] EWHC 852. In these
within. The Muslim fundamentalist protests cases, the English courts have for example
against Rushdie in 1989, is only one of a recognised forced or imposed marriages in
growing number of protests. In 2006, Hindu circumstances of duress and/or where undue
fundamentalists attempted to use the pressure has been applied but not those where
language of human rights to stop an a petitioner has simply consented to a
exhibition of paintings in London by the marriage out of a sense of duty .
renowned Indian painter M.F. Hussain. They 19 For more information, see www.matribunal.com
argued that the naked depiction of female 20 This is a common argument made by some
deities offended Hindu religious sensibilities Muslim scholars, including feminist scholars
although their claim to represent all Hindus in the UK (Malik 2008). While appearing to
was never challenged by the organisers of the provide ways of negotiating competing
exhibition. Of course, dissent is not confined interests in equality and human rights in the
to minorities in December 2004, Christian British context, the paper is devoid of any
fundamentalists, led by the organisation sociopolitical analysis that gives rise to
Christian Voice, demonstrated outside the demands for separate religious arbitration
offices of the BBC against the broadcast of systems and fails to refer to the contestations
Jerry Springer, the Opera, on the grounds that it that are taking place between feminists and
was blasphemous. fundamentalists in the legal arena. For
12 In this context, the term orthodox refers to example, in her analysis of the Shabina Begum
adherence to conventional or traditional v Denbigh High School case, there is a complete
religious doctrine, whereas fundamentalism absence of any examination of the social and
refers to modern political movements that use political pressure exerted by Shabina s
modern means of communication to impose a brother and a Muslim fundamentalist group
strict and selective interpretation of a that advocated on her behalf and there is also
religious text on the basis that it is the only no consideration given to the impact of
true interpretation. growing fundamentalist demands for
13 See Saghal and Davies (1992). recognition of religious dress codes on other
14 See for example, Civil and Religious Law in Muslim girls in the school who feared that
England: A Religious Perspective , a lecture they too would be pressurised into wearing the
delivered by the Archbishop of Canterbury at jilbab. Her paper also quotes with approval,
the Royal Courts of Justice on 7 February 2008. the attempts by Marion Boyd, the former
IDS Bulletin Volume 42 Number 1 January 2011 39
Attorney General of Ontario, Canada, to women and the British State to ensure that
legitimise and regulate Muslim arbitration they have equality of opportunity and an
systems within Ontario s civil legal system. effective voice. See
However, it fails to mention that this www.mwnuk.co.uk/content.php?id=84
development was contested by Canadian 24 Following SBS s victory in challenging Ealing
Muslim women, who in coalition with other Council under the Equality legislation, a pilot
women, eventually won a vital victory against study was carried out by SBS with funding
the attempts to severely limit women s from Oxfam UK. The goal of the study was to
universal access to equality and human rights. assess the impact and process of the cohesion
See, for example Canadian Council of Muslim agenda and to bring the severely marginalised
Women (2007). voices of women from ethnic minority groups
21 The details of this case were circulated to the within the UK into the debate on community
SBS among other organisations, on 20 cohesion. A report on the findings will be
October 2006 by fax, by a police Inspector published by SBS in winter 2010.
from the Specialist Crime Directorate of the 25 In the study, a significant number of women
Metropolitan Police Force. recounted cases where religious authorities
22 The term refers to those who strictly adhere had abused their positions of power. A
to religious tenets and values only. particularly common fear that emerged was
23 The Muslim Women s Network UK is an the fear of being sexually abused by figures of
independent network of Muslim women who religious authority.
seek to provide a channel between Muslim
References Gupta, R. (ed.) (2003) From Homebreakers to
Awaaz (2006) The Islamic Right Key Tendencies, Jailbreakers, London: Zed Books
www.awaazsaw.org/awaaz_pia4.pdf Hari, J. (2007) How Multiculturalism is
Bennoune, K. (2007) Secularism and Human Betraying Women , The Independent, 23 October
Rights: A Contextual Analysis of Headscarves, International Council on Human Rights Policy
Religious Expression, and Women s Equality (2009) When Legal Worlds Overlap. Human
under International Law , Columbia Journal of Rights, State and Non-State Law, Versoix:
Transnational Law ICHRP
Canadian Council of Muslim Women (2007) Local Government Association (2002) Guidance
Canadian Muslim Women at the Crossroads: From on Community Cohesion, London: LGA
Integration to Segregation?, Gananoque, ON: Malik, M. (2008) From Conflict to Cohesion:
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Our Shared Future, Wetherby: Communities and London: EDF
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