Life in Neolithic
Farming Communities
Social Organization, Identity,
and Differentiation
Edited by
IAN KUIJT
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, Indiana
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Chapter 13
Near Eastern
Neolithic Research
Directions and Trends
IAN KUIJT
SOCIAL PROCESS, SCALE, AND THE NEOLITHIC
Although researchers have long acknowledged that the foraging and farm-
ing transition of the Near Eastern Neolithic was an important economic
event, only recently have studies begun to explore the nature of changes in
social organization over this period and the nature of social organization at
different scales. Building on our understanding of the broader evolutionary
trajectory of this transition, archaeologists are now directing new attention
to the social context of Neolithic life at the household (Byrd 1994, Chapter
4, this volume; Flannery 1972; Voigt Chapter 11,this volume), community
(Hodder 1987, 1990; Goring-Morris Chapter 5 this volume; Kuijt 1996;
Rollefson 1997; Rollefson et al. 1992), and regional scales (Bar-Yosef and
Belfer-Cohen 1991; Cauvin 1994; Moore 1985). Collectively, these studies
offer an alternative perspective on the Neolithic transition by shifting the
point of debate from the questions of how and when did plant and animal
IAN KUIJT Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana
46556.
Life in Neolithic Farming Communities: Social Organization, Identity, and Differentiation,
edited by Ian Kuijt. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, New York, 2000.
311
312 IAN KUIJT
domestication occur to what was the nature of Neolithic social organization
throughout this period, and how might these social frameworks be linked
with new systems of food production. This redirection of the discussion
focuses our attention on different research areas, exploring how changes in
the scale of communities and the nature of civic leadership and social com-
plexity relect how Neolithic peoples created new ways of living in the
economic context of food production. From this context, therefore, Neolithic
social arrangements cease to be a passive by-product of food production
and become conceptualized as the intellectual cornerstone upon which
food production exists.
Beyond placing a greater emphasis on the complexities of social change
at different scales in the Neolithic, this approach encourages researchers to
move beyond consideration of a single system of Neolithic social organiza-
tion to explore the nature of, and variations within, Neolithic social rela-
tions through time and space. For example, in the case of the south-central
Levant, researchers are investigating the archeological contexts of three very
different, interrelated social processes in the broader Pre-Pottery Neolithic:
(1) the initial founding of early agricultural villages at around 10,000 bp
with the emergence of some form of civil and ritual leadership (Byrd 1994,
Chapter 4, this volume; Cauvin 1994, Chapter 10, this volume; Rosenberg
and Redding Chapter 3, this volume); (2) the subsequent consolidation of
villages into large aggregate communities with expanded needs for leader-
ship, probably expressed in ritual practices, and increased primary evidence
for social differentiation (Gebel and Bienert 1997; Nissen et al. 1987; Kuijt
1995; Rollefson 1987; Rollefson et al. 1992; Simmons Chapter 9, this vol-
ume>;and (3) the abandonment of the large aggregate communities at around
8,000 bp (Köhler-Rollefson and Rollefson 1990; Rollefson 1996; Rollefson
and Köhler-Rollefson 1989).The conceptualization of these social events as
distinct, yet clearly interrelated, social processes encourages us to address
the different social, economic, and political foundations as the context of
these events and moves archaeologists toward the recognition that these
events or processes are likely to have material manifestations. This consid-
eration of the complex social processes of the Neolithic, as well as how
material culture and the built environment may reflect these transitions,
offers an alternative and very productive approach for archaeologists inter-
ested in issues of social complexity and the origins of agriculture.
Coexistence of Hierarchicaland Egalitarian Elements
Recent Neolithic studies suggest that social relations, as well as their mate-
rial manifestations, can be envisioned as amalgamations of social practices
that alternatively serve to highlight elements of social differentiation and
NEAR EASTERN NEOLITHIC RESEARCH 313
egalitarianism in communities. This perspective relies on ethnographic and
anthropological research that illustrates three aspects to social relations in
present and past middle-range communities: (1) social inequality is ubiqui-
tous and found in all societies (Blanton 1995;Feinman 1995;Hayden 1995a,
b; Kelly 1993; Paynter 1989); (2) egalitarian social systems require highly
complex codes of social behavior, codes that are as complex as those seen
within cultural contexts where systems of hereditary power exist (Flanagan
1989;Gerlach and Gerlach 1988; Rayner 1988); and (3) hierarchy and egali-
tarianism are fundamentally interrelated and coexist in many, if not most,
social systems (Berreman 1981; Kan 1989; McKinnon 1991; Myers 1986;
Plog 1995). A number of recent ethnographic studies (Flanagan 1989;
McKinnon 1991; Schiller 1997) have clearly demonstrated that most forms
of governance in small-scale agricultural or horticultural communities com-
bine hierarchical and egalitarian dimensions, and several archaeologists have
applied this framework to explore social relations in different archaeologi-
cal contexts (e.g., Blanton 1995; Feinman 1995; Plog 1995; Renfrew 1974).
For example, Plog (1995:190) notes that ethnographic accounts from his-
torical periods illustrate egalitarian dimensions in Pueblo society as well as
hierarchical ones, leading him to conclude that rather than trying to char-
acterize Pueblo social relations using a single label, it seems more accurate
to concluded that there are both egalitarian and hierarchical aspects of Pueblo
societies, a point that has tended to be under-emphasized, if not over looked,
during much of the previous discussion in the archaeological literature.
As with Plog s recognition of the coexistence of hierarchical and egali-
tarian dimensions in Pueblo societies, the authors in this volume introduce
important implications for how researchers can understand Neolithic social
systems. On one level, adoption of this approach moves discussions be-
yond consideration of the initial appearance of social differentiation, or, for
that matter, how archaeologists should label Neolithic specific social sys-
tems, to explorations of the nature of social relationships. Second, this per-
spective encourages researchers to understand variations in Neolithic social
organizations through time and space and at different scales. In the models
we have developed to describe Neolithic social systems, we too often fail to
acknowledge variations in time and space, and as a result often produce
highly simplistic and broad formulations of social systems. Such a trend
risks the intellectual homogenization of the Neolithic and the multiple path-
ways to power and authority, ultimately producing monolithic reconstruc-
tions that overlook the subtle, yet significant, differences between different
kinds of Neolithic communities in different places and times. Finally, re-
searchers recognize that internal social relations in Neolithic communities
were more dynamic and complex than most of our models allow. Despite
the rich archaeological record of the Neolithic of the Near East, remarkably
314 IAN KUIJT
little literature has focused on modeling social relations at any scale. Ac-
knowledging that egalitarian and hierarchical relations are likely to have
coexisted in select periods releases researchers from the focus on labeling
societies and facilitates the development of realistic and comprehensive
models of cultural dynamics, including the possible pathways to power and
authority in Neolithic communities.
Neolithic Social Organization Heterarchy, Hierarchy, or Both?
There are many possible ways to conceptualize how power and authority
might have been controlled and/or shared in Neolithic communities. While
often unrecognized, many discussions of Neolithic social systems are also
situated within the much broader discussion of if, or how, social relations in
agricultural communities are organized along hierarchical and heterarchical
lines (Crumley 1987). In the case of the Neolithic, these positions differ in
whether the pathways of power existed as either a single hierarchical sys-
tem or one in which there were numerous coexisting hierarchical power
structures. While there is no consensus on the matter, I suspect that most
archaeologists working on the Near Eastern Neolithic would agree that there
is no convincing evidence for some form of organized central social hierar-
chy, exemplified by the existence of hereditary elites, and ethnographically
exemplified by chiefdom-level organizations. To the same extent, however,
many researchers note evidence for some form of social differentiation among
individuals, households, or communities, especially in the later periods of
the Neolithic. While almost no archaeological research has directly addressed
the topic, I suggest that it is likely that social differentiation in the Neolithic
was derived from the authority of ritual practitioners, civic leaders, or per-
haps community/household elders.
If there are insufficient grounds to argue for a hierarchically organized
system of leadership focused on an individual or group of individuals with
differential access to resources and authority, then it may be more profit-
able to alternatively envision Neolithic social relations as an organized se-
ries of interrelated, coexisting hierarchical units. From some perspectives,
archaeological evidence from the Near Eastern Neolithic reflects several
forms of hierarchical ritual and civic administration. For example, it appears
that some dimensions of ritual practice found expression on the community
level and would have undoubtedly involved ritual practitioners who con-
trolled the timing, nature, and context of some, but not necessarily all,
community rituals (see Chapter 5, this volume; Kuijt 1996; Mellaart 1967;
Rollefson 1986; Voigt 1983). Researchers have also reflected on the impor-
tance of civic leadership for other tasks, such as the construction and main-
tenance of community buildings (Byrd 1994, Chapter 4, this volume; Kafafi
NEAR EASTERN NEOLITHIC RESEARCH 315
and Rollefson 1995; Özdögan and Özdögan 1989; Schirmer 1990; Voigt Chap-
ter 11,this volume). In light of the number of people living in some of these
Neolithic communities, it is also possible that some form of civic, commu-
nity-oriented leadership would have been necessary for organizing the plant-
ing and harvesting of crops. Based on spatial patterning of lithic waste
materials from 'Ain Ghazal, Quintero and Wilke (1995) note that there is
evidence for stone tool workshops in the Middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic and
that the high degree of standardization may well reflect some from of craft
specialization.
Given the absence of differentation in residential architecture and mor-
tuary practices, however, I would suggest that collectively we construct a
picture of Neolithic communities in which we see a balance of economic
centralization and autonomy and of coexisting dimensions of egalitarianism
and hierarchy. Moreover, to understand the shifting nature of these relation-
ships through time, it is helpful to conceptualize Neolithic community rela-
tions as focused on a series of interrelated coexisting social units that might
have included, but were not limited to, kin groups, the household, ritual
sodalities, and the community. Ultimately the point here is not to argue that
Neolithic community relations should be viewed only as heterarchically
organized, for this argument is admittedly more observed than demonstrated.
Instead the papers in this volume encourage researchers to explore the
diversity of social relations through material culture and the built environ-
ment, and to abandon the predetermined position that these material mani-
festations are linked to a single hierarchical thread. I believe that the studies
in this volume provide an initial foundation upon which to understand
some dimensions of different, yet interrelated, pathways of power and au-
thority existed in the Neolithic of the Near East.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Over the last 30 years archaeological research by a wide range of scholars
has transported us beyond the general recognition that the Neolithic was a
pivotal economic and social event to the point where researchers are able
to explore the more detailed nature of social relations at many different
scales. Essentially this journey demonstrates the relevance of our recon-
struction of the Neolithic revolution to critical anthropological issues of
social differentation, demography, and ritual and civic organization. These
studies have been instrumental in expanding our understanding of the
Neolithic in the Near East while reaffirming our exploration of new and old
topics from the standpoint of new data or methodological developments.
Although hardly an exhaustive list, I want to briefly draw attention to sev-
316 IAN KUIJT
eral topics and issues that are likely to become central in our future investi-
gations of Neolithic social organization most importantly the nature of
civic governance and social differentiation in these communities, and the
role of households and lineages in creating the framework for life in Neolithic
settlements.
Frameworks of Governance and Social Differentiation
in Neolithic Society
In light of the relative wealth of information we have on the nature of
Neolithic subsistence economies, I think many researchers (e.g., Baird 1997;
Rollefson 1998) would agree that we know comparatively little about the
critical topic of leadership and governance in Neolithic households and
communities.While there are exceptions, few studies have directly addressed
the nature of leadership and governance at different scales, such as the
individual, household, community, and regional levels, or how these frame-
works change through different periods of the Pre-Pottery and Pottery
Neolithic. Although a number of works have illustrated how many, if not
most, Neolithic communities shared material practices at the regional level
(e.g.,Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989;Bar-Yosef and Meadows 1995;Cauvin
1994),in many ways our understanding of governance remains highly theo-
retical, abstract, largely removed from the specifics of archaeological data
sets from individual sites (e.g., Hayden 1995a), and rarely moves beyond
consideration of community, if not regional, ideology. A portion of this gap
is unquestionably linked to the relatively limited amount of excavation at
Neolithic sites and the importance of addressing broader anthropological
issues such as the emergence of social inequality, but it is also the result of
archaeologists, including this author, strugglingwith the much broader prob-
lem of how to connect various bodies of anthropological theory on human
behavior with Neolithic material culture in a meaningful way.
We see a growing consensus among researchers, I believe, that social
practices existed at certain points in the past to differentially distinguish
individuals within the overall Neolithic community. On a material level,
many discussions of Neolithic social organization focus on the issues of
how, or if, select Neolithic material culture reflects the interests, behavior,
and social role(s) of individuals versus a collective group of individuals
(e.g.,Bienert 1991; Garfinkel 1994). In the broadest of senses, this question
challenges us to understand some of the ways in which social practices
highlight aspects of cohesiveness and integration or, conversely, the hierar-
chical organization of power and authority. In cases where we have some
idea of how the selection of individuals from the broader community oc-
curred, we have only a limited understanding of why it occurred, the basis
NEAR EASTERN NEOLITHIC RESEARCH 317
for this selection, and how this helps us understand the nature of Neolithic
social organization. Recently archaeologists have devoted considerable at-
tention to mortuary and ritual practices as a way to reconstruct broader
Neolithic social organization and the existence of some degree of social
differentiation.As illustrated by many of the chapters in this volume, Neolithic
ritual practices provide important insights about social arrangements at the
household and/or community level. In contrast to many other world areas,
relatively few studies have explored the possible material correlates for
ritual or community leaders in Neolithic communities, nor have they reached
some form of consensus of the existence of social differentiation. It is, there-
fore, not surprising that there are no clear answers to this question, and it is
likely that considerable future debate will revolve around this issue in the
future.
Arguably some of the most dramatic advancements in our understand-
ing of Neolithic social systems have centered on identifying the spatial loca-
tion of community or household rituals. While often based on field work
conducted many years ago, recent reflections (e.g., Banning and Byrd 1987;
Byrd 1994; Byrd and Banning 1988; Özdögan and Özdögan 1989; Schmidt
1997; Rollefson 1997; Rollefson et al. 1992) of observed patterning of resi-
dential and nonresidential architecture have enhanced our understanding
of Neolithic social organization through the exploration of how space was
constructed and used by households and families and by the investigation
of the relationships between residential and nonresidential spaces in these
communities.
Detailed consideration of Neolithic architecture, mortuary practices and
ritual actions collectively brings researchers to the point where we can start
to reflect upon how ritual and civic leadership might have been organized
in different Neolithic communities. New data, as well as synthesis studies of
earlier publications, elicit a number of important questions related to the
issue of governance in these communities. For example, were the elaborate
mortuary practices of the south-central Levantine MPPNB, such as at 'Ain
Ghazal or Jericho, organized at the household, kin-group, or community
level? In the case of Çatal Höyük, Çayönü, and Nevali Çori, were some
forms of ritual practices organized by household members and others orga-
nized by, and oriented toward, the broader community? If so, how might
archaeologists distinguish these in an archaeological context? These ques-
tions focus on the nature of the relationships among housholds, ritual, and
civic structures. Moreover, if Neolithic social practices did differentiate some
members from the community to perform ritual or civic tasks, why do we
not see more evidence for differential power and authority? Critical exami-
nation of these questions in the future, as well as expanded discussion of
issues related to the nature of Neolithic governance and leadership, will be
318 IAN KUIJT
central to expanding out understanding of Neolithic soical complexity and
the origins of agriculture.
Neolithic Households, Houses, and Links to Economy
One of the key ways to explore issues of governance in Neolithic commu-
nities is to explore how households served as arenas for everyday life, such
as with ritual practices and collective labor. Specifically,I think that future
research will benefit from renewed attention to how Neolithic social prac-
tices might have been focused on either individual households, or the broader
House as a social and economic unit (Levi-Strauss 1983). For the most part
discussions of Neolithic social organization remain focused on the scale of
the community, rarely addressing the existence of the household or House
as a social and economic unit. While there are exceptions, most research
has focused on how to differentiate between nuclear or extended family
households as a form of classification. One alternative to this perspective is
to explore the possibility that Neolithic social frameworks were organized
along lines similar to a House Society (Levi-Strauss 1983). Levi-Strauss
(1983:174) defines the House as a corporate body holding an estate made
up of both material and immaterial wealth, which perpetuates itself through
the transmission of its name, its goods and its titles down a real or imaginary
line, considered legitimate as long as this continuity can express itself in the
language of kinship or of affinity and, most often, of both. In this context,
then, the House emphasizes elements of temporal continuity, the hereditary
transfer of valued property and authority, and the strategic exploitation of
the language of kinship and affinity, existing simultaneously as a social,
ritual, and economic unit. Moreover, this social and economic unit can be
composed of multiple residential units dwelling in separate structures and
can serve as a physical and symbolic place of origin for fictive and real
ancestors. In considering how communities and living units were structured,
this perspective challanges archaeologists to define and explain the build-
ing blocks of social and economic relations within Neolithic communities.
Furthering our understanding of the links between economic and so-
cial change at different points in the Neolithic is likely to become another
important avenue for research in the future. In the broadest of scales, we
can note that the initial development and later entrenchment of food pro-
duction must have radically altered the nature of ownership, labor, and
civic organization in Neolithic communities. In the case of large agricultural
communities, especially of the later periods, organizational changes might
have occurred in the nature of agricultural labor in certain periods of the
year, such as harvesting crops in the fall. This raises the question of whether
this labor was organized along community or household lines. Increases in
NEAR EASTERN NEOLITHIC RESEARCH 319
the scale of some communities, especially those that might have been the
focus of regional economic or ritual activities, might have required multiple
households, or even communities, to combine forces to meet the challenge
of some project, such as the construction of the PPNA tower at Jericho or
harvesting of temporally limited food resources. Who, for example, orga-
nized people to undertake farming, planting, herding, and harvesting? There
is no question that these issues are central to our understanding of how
economic developments, such as the appearance of domesticated plants
and animals, and how the control of these resources would have been
linked to social changes.
Despite all that archaeologists know about Neolithic subsistence prac-
tices, we have a very poor understanding of the social aspects of Neolithic
economic practices, such as the production and distribution of shell and
stone beads or other nonlocal objects. With the exception of the sourcing of
obsidian in the Near East, researchers have only a limited understanding of
the sourcing of nonlocal materials and have yet to examine how trade and
exchange might have been organized. Future scholars will, for example,
have the opportunity to explore how to envision Neolithic communities
from select periods as being socially and economically independent, or if
physically separate communitis were highly interlinked through household
marriage, economic practices, and ideological beliefs. It will be important,
moreover, for us to understand how leaders or households might have con-
trolled trade. The resolution of such topics is pivotal to understanding the
nature of social systems in the Neolithic and the broader trajectory of hu-
man development in the transition from foragers and cultivators to agricul-
turalists. Collectively,these studies highlight the importance of future stud-
ies exploring Neolithic social relations through a variety of artifact classes,
integrating our understanding of economic practices with that of social or-
ganization, and the need to develop more sophisticated models to explain
the dynamic nature of civic and ritual leadership.
SUMMARY
As seen in this volume, archaeologists are making important strides forward
in the task of reconstructing Neolithic social organization. This volume cer-
tainly provides us with a more detailed understanding of some of the com-
plexities of the archaeological record of the Neolithic of the Near East and
challenge us to view the Neolithic as an economic event and to explore the
interrelationships between the development, entrenchment, and expansion
of systems of food production with the nature of social organization at the
household, kin-group, and community levels. An improved awareness of
320 IAN KUIJT
the nature of Neolithic social organization will require broad consideration
of interrelated lines of archaeological evidence at different scales, including
regional settlement patterns, systems of regional trade and exchange, con-
tact within and between different regional communities, the nature of shared
systems of belief and ritual at the regional scale, consideration of regional
and community architectural systems, and the nature of mortuary practices.
Synthesis and interpretation of these diverse archaeological patterns will
also require consideration of complementary and conflicting aspects of be-
havior within these communities. These rich lines of archaeological evi-
dence contribute to our broader anthropological understanding of issues of
social agency, household compositions, and ritual practices, and aid us in
exploring the complex, rewarding, and challenging interface of archaeo-
logical data and anthropological theory and the links between different
forms of human behavior and material culture in the past.
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