Nasca Headhunting and the Ritual Use of
Trophy Heads
Donald A. Proulx
University of Massachusetts
Originally published in German in: Nasca: Geheimnisvolle Zeichen im Alten Peru,
Edited by Judith Rickenbach, Pp. 79-87. Zürich: Museum Rietberg Zürich, 1999.
Decapitation and the subsequent ritual use of human heads was a common
practice in ancient Peruvian cultures as early as the Preceramic Period (prior to 1800
B.C.). Iconographic representations of head taking can be seen in the art of Chavin,
Moche, Huari and the Inca among others, but it was on the south coast of Peru that this
tradition was most highly manifested and where excellent preserved examples of these
heads are found. The term "trophy head" has been applied to these specimens, implying
that the heads were removed during warfare and then displayed as evidence of the
warrior's prowess. Although there is evidence for such display, the primary function of
the heads was their use in rituals.
Prior to the discovery of a substantial sample of preserved trophy heads,
iconographic representations of this motif were commonly seen on Nasca ceramics and
textiles. A number of "Mythical Creatures" portrayed on the pottery were typically
associated with trophy heads. One of the most common representations in early Nasca art
was the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being, a human male dressed in elaborate ritual
paraphernalia, holding a severed human head in one hand and a club in the other.
Scholars have argued whether this creature represents a shaman or "masked
impersonator", or a supernatural figure.1 Evidence exists for both interpretations. Other
early Mythical creatures with trophy head associations include the Horrible Bird, the
Mythical Killer Whale, and Harpy Birds. Trophy heads also occur as independent themes
throughout the sequence.
In the later Nasca phases (5 through 7), there is a major increase in depictions of
warriors associated with trophy heads, battle scenes, and heads being held by elaborately
dressed secular leaders. Silverman, Browne and García have suggested that "in contrast
to Early Nasca times when only supernaturals and ritualists are shown in association with
trophy heads, Late Nasca iconography suggests that the prestige of the leaders of Late
Nasca society was enhanced by successful headhunting." 2
Nasca head taking had its roots in the earlier Paracas Culture (900 to 200 B.C.)
out of which it evolved. Trophy head representations do not appear on Paracas pottery
until Phase 9 of the Ica Valley sequence or on textiles or pyro-engraved gourds until
Phase 10, which dates to the very end of the Early Horizon. Trophy heads were first
associated with a Paracas motif known as the "Oculate Being", a wide-eyed creature
holding a trophy head in one hand and a knife, which was used to remove the head, in the
1
other.3 By Phase 10, much of the religious iconography had been transferred from
pottery to textiles. The Oculate Being was replaced by the Anthropomorphic Mythical
Being. Like the Oculate Being, this creature also displayed severed heads in its hand,
attached to the belt, and appended to the cape.
In the last two centuries before Christ, the Paracas Culture was transformed into
the Nasca Culture with a shift from post-fired resin painted pottery to slip painted pottery.
The transition took a number of generations, lasting perhaps as long as 100 years,
culminating in the shift of religious symbolism from textiles back to pottery. During the
transition, however, the elaborate embroidered textiles so characteristic of late Paracas
burials continued to be made in the earliest Nasca phases, including the portrayal of
mythical creatures with associated trophy heads. At the same time, artisans were
experimenting with the new slip paints, producing an elaborate new style of polychrome
painted pottery which is now so closely associated with Nasca. New mythical creatures
appear with trophy head associations along with warriors in the act of collecting heads.
Unassociated trophy heads, some quite stylized, appear frequently in the art. The
frequency of trophy head depiction increased during Phase 5, along with evidence for
more military activism. Peripheral archaeological evidence suggests that this came at a
time of environmental stress when drought conditions affected the south coast, causing
population movements and the construction of the puquios as an alternative source of
water. This militarism continued through Phase 7, which appears to be the time of
greatest Nasca contact with the outside world. Trophy heads are one of the most frequent
motifs on the pottery of these proliferous Nasca phases. Fully dressed warriors, often
depicted in battle scenes, abound in the art. Finally, the Nasca Culture went into a
decline in Phase 8 as a result of the rise of more powerful polities in the highlands of
Ayacucho. Within 100 to 150 years, Nasca Culture was replaced by the Huari.
The nature and identity of the severed heads depicted in the iconography has been
substantiated by the discovery of al least 100 preserved archaeological specimens of
trophy heads. The earliest recorded Nasca trophy heads were collected by Julio C. Tello
in 1915 during a visit to the south coast. At ChaviÅ„a in the Acarí Valley, he found a skull
with a perforated hole in the center of its forehead. At the time he believed that the hole
had been made by a huaquero's (grave robber's) steel probe. Traveling north to the Nasca
drainage, Tello found another looted head in a cemetery on the Hacienda Majoro. This
specimen not only had a perforated forehead, but the base of the skull had been broken
away. In January of 1916 he found in the cemetery of Las Salinas at Coyungo in the
same valley a mummified trophy head complete with carrying rope and with the eye
sockets filled with cotton (Fig. 2.1). Three additional specimens were recorded during
that trip.4
Since these initial discoveries by Tello, over 100 additional specimens have been
recorded including the following. In 1926 Alfred Kroeber excavated a total of ten trophy
heads at Cahuachi and one at Majoro Chico in the Nasca Valley.5 In 1952 Strong6 found
two specimens at Cahuachi and Ubbelohde-Doering7 an additional nine. More recently
Helaine Silverman8 excavated two well-preserved trophy heads at Cahuachi and
2
Orefici9 found at least one more. At ChaviÅ„a in the Acarí Valley to the south, Vera
Coelho and Máximo Neira10 recorded eleven excavated trophy heads and six more
found on the surface. Back in the Nasca Valley, Rafael Reichert photographed the
discovery of a group of nine trophy heads excavated at Estaqueria in 1979. But the most
spectacular discovery made in recent times was a cache of 48 trophy heads made at the
site of Cerro Carapo in the Palpa Valley of the Nasca drainage (Fig. 2.2). 11
Analyses of the majority of these trophy heads have been undertaken by
archaeologists and physical anthropologists resulting in a better understanding of the
manner in which they were fashioned. X-ray analysis has provided an important
perspective on some of the specimens,12 while an examination of the Cerro Carapo
cache by John Verano has added greatly to our knowledge of the preparation of the heads
as well as age and gender identification.13 A typical Nasca trophy head was prepared in
the following manner. The head was removed from the body with a sharp obsidian knife
by slicing through the neck and separating the cervical vertebrae. Then the base of the
skull, including the foramen magnum and portions of the occipital bone were broken
away (Fig. 2.3), and the soft tissue, including the tongue, muscles and throat structure
was discarded. Next the brain and supporting membranes were removed through this
opening. A small hole was punched or drilled in the center of the forehead for insertion of
a carrying rope which was secured inside the head by a wooden toggle or a large knot.
Finally the lips were pinned shut using one or two long spines from the local huarango
tree. The cavity within the skull was often stuffed with cloth and occasionally with
vegetable matter (Fig. 2.4)
Verano points out that the Nasca were careful to preserve the natural appearance
of the head.14 The lower jaw was often secured to the zygomatic arches to maintain the
proper articulation and to hold the mouth closed. Small pieces of cloth were stuffed in the
cheeks and eye sockets to maintain a life-like appearance of the face.15 Verano
examined one trophy head specimen in the collections of the Field Museum in Chicago
that had been defleshed. The facial skin and scalp had been removed from the skull, and a
plainweave textile placed over the skull with subsequent replacement of the skin over the
skull.16 It is unclear how common this practice may have been in Nasca society.
Max Uhle was among the first to compare Nasca trophy heads to the more historic
shrunken heads of the Jivaro Indians of eastern Peru and Ecuador.17 Like the earlier
Nasca, the Jivaro practiced head taking and their trophies had lips pinned or sewn shut
and a carrying cord attached through the forehead. Unlike the Nasca, the Jivaro reduced
the size of the trophy head by removing the skull and shrinking the remaining flesh down
to the size of an orange. Several scholars, including myself have used ethnographic
analogy to explain the function of the pinned lips on the Nasca specimens by examining
the role of sealing the lips in Jivaro society.18
Until recent times, the Jivaro practiced ritual killing in order to be eligible to
acquire an additional soul known as an arutam wakani. The Jivaro believed that these
souls protected them against sorcery, disease and death, but that they must be periodically
3
replenished with new, more powerful souls as the power drained from the older ones.19
The ritual killing of another individual was seen as the primary means of gaining access
to a new arutam. Jivaro males formed raiding parties and attacked an isolated household
in the early morning hours. Emboldened by the taking of hallucinogenic drugs, the Jivaro
murdered as many people as possible, removing their heads in the process. The heads
were taken and turned into trophies to prevent the muisak, or avenging spirit of the dead
person, from harming the killer. The muisak was thought to reside in the head, entering
and exiting through the mouth. By pinning the lips, the Jivaro believed the muisak could
be trapped in the head and controlled until its power dissipated within a year or two (Fig.
2.5). In the meantime, the head was used for ritualistic purposes. I have argued elsewhere
that the pinning of the lips on Nasca trophy heads served a similar function.20 The Nasca
very likely believed that the mouth served as the primary orifice for some type of power
or spirit that resided in the head, and that sealing the mouth would prevent its escape. A
simpler explanation might be that the Nasca were attempting to prevent the dead person
from speaking or perhaps uttering the name of the killer. In either case, the function of
the thorns is connected with protection from the spirit of the dead person. Unconvinced
by this analogy, John Verano suggests that the thorns through the lips may have the
practical function of preventing their retraction during the natural desiccation of the
flesh.21
The nature of warfare in Nasca society and the method for procuring trophy heads
has been the center of a lively debate among scholars. One group of specialists argue that
the Nasca engaged in ritual battles whose main function was to capture prisoners to be
used for decapitation, not for territorial conquest.22 Coelho and Neira's arguments
include the following points. On the basis of the 11 heads found at ChaviÅ„a in the Acarí
Valley, they claim that women and children's heads were found in addition to males.
These were found associated with offerings and lacked weapons, and thus should be
considered as evidence for ritual sacrifice, not territorial conquest. In normal warfare for
territorial expansion. one would expect adult males to be fighting other adult males;
according to these investigators, this was not the case at Chavińa. In addition, other
trophy heads found within Nasca cemeteries were treated the same as full-bodied Nasca
burials in terms of grave goods and preparation, leading to the conclusion that ritual
fighting took place within Nasca society rather than between different ethnic groups.
Baraybar discovered the presence of fine cut marks on the scalps of some of the Nasca
trophy heads, leading him to conclude that these were part of a ritual bloodletting rite that
took place after the capture of prisoners in battle and were not battle wounds.23 And
finally, Guillén has argued that the trophy heads were not obtained in battle, but were the
mummified heads of relatives, carefully prepared, and used in ancestor worship.24
Others, including myself25 and Verano26 suggest that there is ample evidence of
traditional warfare in Nasca society, and that head taking took place in battle rather than
afterward. Verano's analysis of 84 trophy heads, including the Cerro Carapo cache of 48
specimens, has examined the age and gender distribution of this sample. He discovered
that the vast majority (85%) were adult males between the ages of 20 and 45. Females
made up only 6% of the sample. Children under 12 years of age constituted less than 3%
4
of the sample while adolescents less than 4%. People over 50 years of age are virtually
absent.27 In other words, the Chavińa cache was atypical, and therefore Neira and
Coelho's conclusions were faulty. Verano further notes that "such an age and sex
distribution is consistent with the hypothesis that Nasca trophy heads were collected from
enemy combatants rather than revered ancestors" as suggested by Guillén.28 A few rare
vessels depict trophy heads hanging from poles or standards as if on display. If these
were revered ancestors as Guillén argues, they certainly would not be portrayed in this
offensive manner.
Nasca ceramic iconography is replete with images of male warriors, dressed in
elaborate costumes, clearly engaged in battle and decapitation on the battlefield. One
such example is a Phase 7 double spout vessel depicting several richly costumed warriors
holding enemies by the hair and preparing to decapitate them with serrated obsidian
knives (Fig. 2.6). On some Nasca vessels, the "enemy" is painted in a different color than
the opposing warrior, suggesting members of a different ethnic group. However, the
proposed political structure of the Nasca realm does not preclude intra-ethnic fighting
between members of different chiefdoms for prized agricultural lands.
Baraybar's argument that cut marks present on the scalps of some of the trophy
heads were made while the victims were still alive during bloodletting rituals prior to
death can also be debated. These fine incisions on the skulls may have been produced as
part of the preparation process of the skulls rather than reflecting ritual bloodletting
rituals.
Although the method of procuring trophy heads has been disputed, all scholars
agree that the ultimate reason for taking the heads, and their subsequent use, was ritual in
nature. Like the Jivaro, the Nasca also used their trophy heads in a variety of rituals
before ceremonial entombment. Trophy heads were raised on poles, hung from banners,
carried by warriors, and were collected and displayed in groups judging from pottery
depictions. An interesting vessel, dating to Phase 5, displays a burial scene. A mummy
bundle is flanked by two individuals, most likely shamans, who are dressed only in loin
cloths (Fig. 2.7). Both are playing pan pipes, a common element in Nasca ceremonies.
Significantly, one of the shamans is holding in his hand a trophy head suspended on a
carrying rope. He also holds a rattle to compliment the pan pipes. This specimen contains
the first clear indication that trophy heads were actively used in ceremonies. Nasca
potters produced a wide range of jars and other vessel forms in the form of trophy heads
(Fig. 2.8). There are documented cases where archaeologists have found, in Nasca
cemeteries, bodies which had been decapitated where the missing head was replaced by a
ceramic substitute.29 Literally hundreds of "Head Jars" were produced between Nasca
Phases 3 and 7, with the majority falling in Phase 5. Only a handful of these seem to have
been used as replacements for missing heads on mummies; the remainder were symbolic
representations of the most important offering present in their society.
Once their ceremonial use was completed, the heads were interred either singly
or, more commonly, in groups or caches like that discovered at Cerro Carapo. A unique
vessel in the collections of the Museo Nacional de Antropología, Arqueología e Historia
5
in Lima portrays the entombment of a cache of trophy heads by two shamans, one
wearing a mask and holding batons in his hands, while the other is dressed only in a
loincloth (Fig. 2.9) Small ceramic cups are associated with them and an additional
example has been placed with the heads in the tomb. Some type of animal, perhaps a
feline, surmounts the pyramid-shaped mound covering the cache of heads. This vessel,
dating to Phase 7 (late Nasca), is the clearest depiction yet found of a common ceremony
practiced in Nasca society.
Trophy heads are commonly associated with Nasca Mythical Beings in the early
phases of the sequence. They are depicted in the hands and attached to the clothing of the
Anthropomorphic Mythical Beings, clutched in the hand of the Mythical Killer Whale,
being ingested by the Horrible Bird who in addition has trophy head representations in its
wing panels, and also being eaten by the "Trophy Head Taster", a variation of the
Anthropomorphic Mythical Being. Individual trophy heads, complete with carrying ropes
and pinned lips, also appear early in the sequence. Evidence for increased militarism
appears in Phase 5 along with the increasing frequency of trophy head depictions. The
portrayal of blood--in the form of red dots, red blotches, or lace-like red geometric
designs--is common on pottery from Phases 5, 6 and 7. Rows of trophy heads, in
increasingly variable forms, are used as fillers on these proliferous (late) Nasca pieces. At
the same time, warriors become more pervasive. New forms of clothing, including hats,
shirts and breech cloths, are seen in Phase 7 along with different ways of depicting the
human form. Some of these innovations appear to have been due to contacts made with
the Moche Culture from the north coast.30 All in all, the art and iconography
demonstrate the great importance of trophy heads in Nasca society. What remains is for
us to attempt an interpretation of the reasons for head taking and the role of trophy heads
in Nasca religion.
I once believed that the primary function of trophy heads was as offerings to the
Mythical Beings. In this scenario war captives were decapitated and their heads used to
placate the spirits for various reasons. This model is predicated on an analogy with other
cultures where human sacrifice occurs to appease the gods. The Aztecs, who ripped the
hearts out of thousands of victims and offered them to their deities to insure that the sun
would rise each day, is such an example. I now believe that this picture is too simplistic
and needs to be viewed from a distinctly Andean perspective. There is substantial
evidence to suggest that Nasca religion centered on agricultural fertility and the
associated need for sufficient water, good climate and soils. Most of the mythical Beings
as well as the naturalistic animals and birds seen in the iconography can be linked to
agriculture, water, or the land.
The strongest evidence linking head taking with agricultural fertility is a number
of depictions of trophy heads with plants growing out of their mouths (Fig. 2.10). There
seems to be a direct link between death/decapitation/blood and
regeneration/rebirth/agricultural fertility. The idea of death and regeneration appears in
the mythology of many societies, for example, the Osiris myth in ancient Egypt.
According to this myth, Osiris was an early king of Egypt who descended from the gods.
He did many great things but was envied by his brother Set, who murdered him by
6
dismembering his body and throwing the parts into the Nile River. Osiris' wife, Isis, and
their son, Horus, collected the body parts and restored Osiris back to life. Osiris is viewed
as a nature god embodied with the spirit of vegetation which dies with the harvest to be
reborn when the grain germinates.31 "As a vegetation spirit that dies and is ceaselessly
reborn, Osiris represents the [wheat], the vine and the trees. He is also the Nile, which
rises and falls each year; and the light of the sun, which vanishes in the shadows every
evening to reappear more brilliantly each dawn."32
I believe that the prime use of trophy heads in Nasca society was magical in
nature--to insure the continued abundance of the food crops. In their view of the world,
the Nasca people must have placed a great importance on the human head as a source of
power. The burial of groups of trophy heads in caches must have resulted in the
concentration of a great amount of ritual power. The entombment of the heads seen in
Fig. 2.9 and physically represented by the caches discovered at Cerro Carapo, Estaqueria,
Chavińa and Tambo Viejo, among others, belies the importance of grouping the heads
together. Other iconographic motifs display spouting beans in the form of a trophy head,
or an ear of corn with the face of a trophy head. This suggests a metaphor where various
agricultural plants can be transformed into trophy heads, and vice versa.
Archaeologists are slowly beginning to understand the complex meaning of
trophy heads in ancient Nasca society. More than mere war trophies, these modified
human heads symbolized fertility, regeneration and sacred power to a people obsessed
with the need to control the forces of nature, thus insuring sufficient food for their
survival. Anatomical studies such as those conducted by John Verano have been a major
source of new data allowing for a more precise analysis of the nature and function of
these objects. Although we may never be able to completely understand every nuance of
the symbolism represented by these trophy heads, great strides have been made in recent
years in providing a better understanding of the
world view of the Nasca people.
Footnotes
1. Townsend 1985; Paul 1990
2. Silverman, Browne and García 1993:278
3. Menzel, Rowe and Dawson 1964:199 and Fig. 52c
4. see Tello 1918 for additional details
5. Kroeber 1956; Kroeber and Collier 1998
6. Strong 1952; 1957
7. Ubbelohde-Doering 1958, 1966
8. Silverman 1993
9. Herran 1985
10. Coelho 1972; Neira Avedańo 1972-1973
11. Browne, Silverman and García 1993
12. Coelho 1972
7
13. Verano 1995
14. Verano 1995:204
15. Verano 1995:204
16. Verano 1995:209-210
17. Uhle 1901
18. Proulx 1971
19. Harner 1962
20. Proulx 1971
21. Verano 1995:204
22. Coelho 1972; Neira and Coelho 1972-1973
23. Baraybar 1987
24. cited in Browne, Silverman and García 1993:276
25. Proulx 1971, 1989, 1997
26. Verano 1995
27. Verano 1995:214
28. Verano 1995:214
29. Kroeber 1956:357
30. Proulx 1994
31. Ames 1965:54
32. Ames 1965:54
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